BRIEFING
EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service
Author: Joanna Apap with Sami James Harju;
Graphics: Stéphanie Pradier, Samy Chahri
Members' Research Service
PE 698.753 October 2023
EN
The concept of 'climate refugee'
Towards a possible definition
SUMMARY
According to recent statistics published by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, over
376 million people around the world have been forcibly displaced by floods, windstorms,
earthquakes or droughts since 2008, with a record 32.6 million in 2022 alone. Since 2020, there has
been an annual increase in the total number of displaced people due to disaster compared with the
previous decade of 41 % on average. The upward trend is alarmingly clear. With climate change as
the driving catalyst, the number of 'climate refugees' will continue to rise. The Institute for
Economics and Peace predicts that in the worst-case scenario, 1.2 billion people could be displaced
by 2050 due to natural disasters and other ecological threats.
Despite steps in the right direction, national and international responses to this challenge remain
limited, and protection for those affected inadequate. There is no clear definition of a 'climate
refugee', nor are climate refugees covered by the 1951 Refugee Convention. The latter covers only
people who have a well-founded fear of being persecuted because of their race, religion, nationality,
membership of a particular social group or political opinion, and who are unable or unwilling to seek
protection from their home countries. This means that climate cannot currently be cited as a reason
for seeking asylum or refugee status, although the 2018 Global Compact for Migration, in its second
objective, cites climate as a potential reason for migration. While the EU has not formally recognised
'climate refugees', it has expressed growing concern and has taken action to support and develop
resilience in countries most vulnerable to climate-related stress.
This briefing is an update of an earlier version published in October 2021.
IN THIS BRIEFING
Background
The complex task of defining a 'climate
refugee'
How climate change contributes to increased
displacement of people
Shaping an international legal framework to
address the protection gaps for 'climate
refugees'
Promising developments: Climate litigation
through a human rights lens
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Background
Since 2008, over 376 million people have been displaced as a result of climate disasters. This is the
equivalent of one person being displaced every second, or as if the entire population of Australia
were forced to abandon their homes every year. In 2022 alone, 36.2 million people were displaced
because of natural disasters brought about by climate change, and while many found refuge within
their own country, some were forced to go abroad. With the projected number of people affected
expected to double by 2050 according to the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red
Crescent Societies (IFRC), the annual worldwide displacement of millions of people due to
environmental disasters needs to be addressed properly.
Since the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development, the issue of international
migration and its connection with development has been rising steadily up the agenda of the
international community. The United Nations (UN) 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development
includes several migration-related targets and calls for regular reviews of progress towards their
achievement using data disaggregated by, inter alia, migratory status. Nevertheless, the response
to this challenge has been limited, and protection for those affected remains inadequate. The lack
of a legal definition for persons forced to move for climate-related reasons is of particular concern,
as they can easily find themselves in a legal limbo owing to the lack of recognition of their status
and their need for humanitarian protection. Principle 1 of the 1972 Declaration of the United Nations
Conference on the Human Environment (the Stockholm Declaration) states that there is 'a
fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a
quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being'. The Stockholm Declaration reflects a general
recognition of the interdependence and interrelatedness of human rights and the environment,
which is key to addressing this legal limbo.
Although most people who have been forcibly displaced for climate-related reasons remain within
their national borders (i.e. they are internally displaced), some go abroad and therefore become
externally displaced. Yet, as most of the available data focuses on internally displaced persons, it is
difficult to develop a clear overview of the scale of cross-border migration for reasons relating to
climate. This lack of precise data (also caused by the legal void surrounding the status of such
persons, also referred to as 'external climate migrants'), prevents the implementation of an
international legal framework to address this issue. However, since the launch of the
Nansen
Initiative in 2012, the international community has begun to consider the phenomenon of external
migration for climate reasons.
On 19 September 2016, the UN General Assembly adopted the New York Declaration for Refugees
and Migrants, in which it called for the development of two global compacts, one on refugees and
the other on 'other migrants'. The second, the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular
Migration (GCM), endorsed on 10 December 2018 in Morocco, acknowledges under its Objective 2
the urgent situation of migrants displaced because of climate change. In the same year, the 24th
Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (
CO P24)
addressed the displacement of people as a result of climate change. Nevertheless, although climate
migration is now a recurrent topic in international negotiations, so far no official status or legal
protection has been granted to those affected. The 2019 COP25, while relying on the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)
special report on climate change and land,
addressed the issue of desertification and the heightened global food scarcity risk as outcomes of
climate change compromising the quality of human life. Building on that, the International
Organization for Migration (IOM) stated that climate change-related outcomes that worsen the
living conditions of already vulnerable populations act as triggers for increased human mobility.
The significance of the nexus between climate change-induced disasters and displacements has
been acknowledged, but without sufficiently addressing the need to secure a special status for
climate-displaced persons. Host countries prefer to seek to solve the problem 'at the root', by
diminishing pollution and minimising climate change. Tackling this 'root cause' was at the heart of
The concept of 'climate refugee'
3
COP26 held in 2021 in Glasgow. However, as participants continued to disagree on whether the
world was on track to keep temperatures below 1.5 °C, they failed to produce legally binding targets
with the required sense of urgency. According to CarbonBrief
, they also failed to provide vulnerable
nations with adequate resources to undo or address the impacts of climate change. While new
pledges might prove fruitful for tackling long-term objectives, humanity continues to face the short-
term challenge of displacement due to climate change.
COP27, which took place in November 2022 in Sharm El Sheikh, was supposed to be the litmus test
for actions agreed upon in prior conferences. Progress was indeed made in certain key areas, an
example being the issue of loss and damages linked to the impact of climate change, which had
created understandable mistrust between developing and developed nations. Taking account of
the fact that many poorer countries have been the most severely affected by climate disasters (while
often having contributed least to the problem), a new multilateral funding mechanism was
established, with initial pledges worth roughly €340 million
being made by the EU, Canada and New
Zealand. On the sidelines of the conference, the Global Centre for Climate Mobility established the
Climate Mobility Pavilion, a forum to discuss policy solutions for climate mobility and displacement.
However, despite COP27 having been hailed as the 'implementation COP', its pledges and promises
to translate words of affirmation and solidarity into 'action on the ground' once again lacked the
backing of precise and mutually enforceable implementation plans.
The UNHCR, in a 2020 article on climate change and disaster displacement, and the European
Commission, in its 2019 communication on a European Green Deal initiative, both express their
understanding of the current and future role of climate change in the forced displacement of
people. Yet, a clear void remains in the international legal framework regarding the protection of
such people. Since the
1951 Refugee Convention applies only to people who have a well-founded
fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality or membership of a particular social group or
political opinion, and who are unable or unwilling, owing to fear of persecution, to seek protection
from their home countries, neither this convention nor its additional protocol recognise climate
hazard as a valid basis for obtaining refugee status. The meaning of the term 'climate refugee' is
therefore most
uncertain both legally and in practice.
Climate change will continue to have an enormous effect on many populations, especially those in
coastal and low-lying areas. In 2023 alone, hundreds of thousands of persons were affected by
natural hazards and severe weather disasters
across the globe. In September 2023, Storm Dan iel
claimed over 12 000 lives in Libya, and 40 000 people were forced to leave their homes. In the
summer of 2023, temperatures in the Mediterranean region and the US reached record-br eaking
highs, and floods in Italy's Emilia-Romagna killed 14 people and displaced 50 000. In 2022, floods in
Pakistan displaced over 10 million people, and the Horn of Africa experienced its worst drought in
40 years, leading to widespread famine and migration. Still in 2022, the US suffered 18 separate
'billion-dollar' weather disasters that inflicted damage costing over US$165 billion and claimed
474 lives. The most notable of these, Hurricane Ian, which struck Florida in September 2022, became
the
third-costliest weather disaster ever recorded, with US$113 billion in damages and 161 deaths.
On 13-14 July 2021, at least 243 people died in floods in parts of western Germany, northeastern
France, eastern Belgium, the eastern Netherlands and Luxembourg.
Events like these should serve as a grave reminder that climate-related disasters are not simply
limited to the Global South, and that the effects of large-scale disasters traditionally observed in
developing countries, including displacement, are becoming an increasingly global phenomenon
that is occurring closer and closer to home. According to Justin Ginnetti
, head of the Data and
Analysis Department of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC), people are now twice
as likely to be displaced than they were in the 1970s. This is due to the combined effect of rapid
population growth, urbanisation and exposure to climate disasters. According to the 2019 IPCC
Special report on the ocean and cryosphere in a changing climate, scientists estimate that in this
century, between 6 000 and 17 000 km
2
of land will be lost owing to rising sea levels and coastal
erosion, both caused by climate change; this could displace between 1.6 and 5.3 million people. The
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2021 IPCC report made serious and alarming observations on the future of coastal cities and their
populations as a result of the life-threatening rise in sea levels. Maintaining global warming below
2
o
C would still cause oceans to rise up by 60 cm, posing risks to the lives or livelihoods of about
300 million people through annual floods by 2050. Rising sea levels pose threats for cities s uch as
Mumbai, Jakarta, Shanghai, New York and Venice, and could cause entire countries such as the
Netherlands to disappear and their populations to face displacement. The
2023 IPCC report calls
urgently for climate-resilient development to integrate adaptation and mitigation, to advance
sustainable development for all through increased international cooperation. Access to adequate
financial resources needs to be improved, particularly for vulnerable regions, through more
inclusive governance and coordinated policies.
The complex task of defining a 'climate refugee'
The phenomenon of 'climate refugees' has been in the public discourse since 1985, when the UN
Environment Programme (UNEP) expert Essam El-Hinnawi defined 'environmental refugees' as:
'those people who have been forced to leave their traditional habitat, temporarily or permanently,
because of marked environmental disruption (natural and/or triggered by people) that jeopardised
their existence and/or seriously affected the quality of their life'. This definition is also used for the
term 'climate refugees'; whether there is a practical difference between 'environmental' and
'climate' remains unclear. One of the key challenges in securing protection for those affected by
displacement due to climate change lies in the complexities involved in defining the term 'climate
refugee', while also taking the pre-existing discourse surrounding the Refugee Convention and
previous attempts at defining 'environmental refugees' into account.
In 2020, during a European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) hearing, Isabel Borges, professor
and researcher at the Norwegian Business School and University of Oslo explained: 'The absence of
an accurate definition of what constitutes a person displaced by environmental factors has resulted
in the inability to measure exactly the number of existing and potential displacement flows'.
According to academic researchers Docherty et al. (2009),
1
a 'climate refugee' definition should
include the following parts: 'forced migration, temporary or permanent relocation, movement
across borders, disruption consistent with climate change, sudden or gradual environmental
disruption, and a more than likely standard for human contribution to the disruption'.
Some terms commonly used to describe people displaced for climate-related reasons
The term 'environmental refugee' has been used in position papers presented by various non-
governmental organisations, and also in the media and in academic literature. The term is especially
associated with the early stages of reflection on the topic, before a distinction started to be drawn
between the different types of environmental change and forms of mobility. It was used to raise awareness
and to focus on the forced nature of the displacement. However, the use of the term and status of 'refugee'
to describe people in this situation has subsequently been criticised, primarily because the term has a
specific legal meaning in the context of the 1951 Refugee Convention and international refugee law.
Relevant UN agencies and the IOM considered that the use of the term 'refugee' would be inappropriate
in that context, and that it would not be opportune or feasible to widen the definition of refugees provided
in the 1951 Refugee Convention to include additional categories of persons.
The term 'environmental migrant' is widely used, including by the IOM. Nevertheless, the term 'migrant'
might not always be considered appropriate, as it suggests a degree of volition in the decision to move.
One of the most recent terms to have gained popularity is 'environmentally/climate displaced person'.
This term is descriptive referring to at least of one part of the mobility spectrum (displacement) and
does not necessarily imply responsibility as regards governance. Although there is no internationally
accepted legal definition of a 'displaced person', the concept of 'internally displaced persons' (IDPs) is
relevant when displacements occur internally.
The concept of 'climate refugee'
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Attributing the title of refugees to persons displaced internally and externally has attracted criticism.
Initially, the term 'climate refugees' was found to be incorrect by the UNHCR, as it blurred the
boundaries between the definition of refugees according to the 1951 Refugee Convention
'Convention refugees' and popular concepts regarding refugees. In June 2019, Dina Ionesco, head
of the Migration Environment and Climate Change (MECC) Division at the IOM, expressed her
concerns about granting refugee status to climate migrants. She argued this could weaken the
UNHRC 1951 Refugee Convention while also excluding from aid and support climate-displaced
persons unable to give a suitable proof that their forced displacement is due to climate.
The question is whether climate refugees should be the subject of a new treaty or convention. The
UNHCR argues that those displaced as a result of environmental change could in theory still rely on
protection offered by their countries, while traditional refugees could not, as countries ar e often a
source of persecution, thus making an individual 'unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that
country' as required by Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Refugee Convention. Yet, in reality, certain regions
struck by recurrent climate disasters (mostly in the Global South where migration movements
mainly come from), face difficulties in recovering from these events, as they often overlap with
existing structural problems, disrupting both reconstruction efforts and the return of the displaced
people. The endorsement of a new binding convention designed to legally protect and support
climate displaced people should at least be considered. A regional system, such as that es ta blished
through the Kampala Convention
in Africa, may better employ notions of subsidiarity that more
accurately reflect the reality of state behaviour rather than would a top-down legal framework.
Professor Walter Kälin, former UN representative on the human rights of internally displaced
persons, and Nina Schrepfer from the UNHCR, use four key findings
relevant to forced population
movement: a) reduction in available water; b) decrease in crop yields; c) risk of floods, storms and
coastal flooding; and d) negative overall impact on health (especially for the poor, elderly, young
and marginalised). They identify three kinds of impediment to the return of people in such
circumstances: legal impediments to return after the end of an environmental crisis under human
rights law: whereby in forcing return, the host state would expose the individual to a substantial risk
of torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; factual impediments: there is no
means of sending people back to the country (for instance, no airports, roads or other essential
infrastructure); humanitarian impediments: where even though it is possible to return people and
there are no human rights obstacles, there are compassionate and humanitarian grounds for not
sending people back. According to the authors, so long as any one of the three situations exists, the
persons affected should be classified as forcibly displaced and in need of protection and assistance
from another state.
How climate change contributes to increased displacement
of people
Climate change can generate 'refugees' in a number of ways, and rising temperatures are known to
increase the frequency and intensity of weather-related disasters. While most climate displacement
happens internally
and displaced people can sometimes return to their homes after a disaster, the
growing impact of climate change is making certain areas increasingly uninhabitable, making it
difficult to return.
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Figure 1 Internal displacement of persons due to natural disasters
Data source: Global Report on Internal Displacement, IDMC, 2022 and World Bank, World Development
Indicators, 2022. Graphic update Stéphanie Pradier, based on original infographic by Giulio Sabbati, EPRS.
The concept of 'climate refugee'
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Despite the difficulties in quantifying accurately the number of persons externally displaced
because of climate disasters, studies show that external migration linked to climate disasters will
most probably increase
in the coming years. This will only add to the pressure on refugee agencies
and migration policies that are already under stress because of the ongoing migration crisis notably
in Europe since 2015. Whether it is internal or external, forced displacement of people can lead to
conflict and tension with those already living on the destination land. In 2019, the
IPCC explained
that displacement can create competition for food, clean water access and jobs, whilst also
exacerbating pre-existing ethnic tension or
gender violence and worsening the situation in sensitive
regions affected by wars and violence.
The IEP published its third annual Ecological Threat Report in October 2022, as part of its continued
task of measuring and monitoring the level of ecological threats faced by vulnerable countries, while
providing projections for 2050. Combining comprehensive ecological data with measures of
resilience, the report lists the countries that are least likely to withstand the effects of climate
disasters and ecological shocks in the coming decades. Additionally, the report finds that over
1 billion people live in countries where the state's ability to cope with projected ecological events
by 2050 is seen as insufficient. According to the report, North/sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East
and South Asia are the regions that are most strongly exposed to these ecological shocks, which
include food insecurity, water risk and natural disasters.
The report further states that out of what are deemed the 40 least peaceful countries in the world,
almost half are simultaneously perceived to be under the highest threat of ecological disaster.
2
Similarly, the IDMC
report states that 'disasters often overlap with conflict in certain regions'. Among
these countries, Afghanistan is the most strongly affected by natural hazard displacements, with
1 117 000 people displaced because of climate disasters in 2020. In 2022, Afghanis were the second-
largest group, by nationality, of
asylum seekers in the EU. Indeed, regarding overall displacement
data, climate disasters trigger over three times more displacements than conflict and violence while
also triggering local conflicts or worsening ongoing ones. The drought in Somalia drove people
away from their rural homes to urban areas where they are now at greater risk of eviction and attacks
by armed groups. People who having been forcibly displaced by adverse climate conditions
encounter stigmatisation and violence in the places to which they fled, can fall within the remit of
the 1951 Refugee Convention and be granted legal status and international protection.
Shaping an international legal framework to address the
protection gaps for 'climate refugees'
While the universal human rights treaties do not refer to a specific right to a safe and healthy
environment, the UN human rights treaty bodies all recognise the intrinsic link between the
environment and the realisation of a range of human rights, such as the right to life, health, food,
water and housing.
3
Under the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, states parties must act
appropriately to combat disease and malnutrition 'through the provision of adequate nutritious
foods and clean drinking water, taking into consideration the dangers and risks of environmental
pollution'. Unfortunately, the rights guaranteed by these conventions are difficult to implement. Yet,
consequences associated with climate change include food competition, difficult access to clean
water, water stress and desertification, which exacerbate violence and conflicts that are already
present within tense regions, prompting people to flee. That way, climate change acts as trigger to
migration within countries but also beyond their borders. In April 2021, the UN World Food
Programme (WFP) alerted that southern Madagascar
was on the brink of famine because of long
and successive droughts over the previous 4 years. According to the WFP, the situation had already
displaced
thousands of people due to climate change rather than conflict.
The non-binding 1998 UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement provide a framework for
protecting victims of natural disasters who do not cross an international border. In 2009, the Co uncil
of Europe suggested using these principles as a model to develop a global guiding framework for
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the protection of displaced persons crossing international borders because of climate change and
natural disasters.
4
While these guiding principles still do not cover cross-border displacement, they
were used to draft the Kampala Convention
for the protection and assistance of internally displaced
persons in Africa. Under the convention, complementary forms of protection allow states to provide
protection on human rights grounds for persons facing the prospect of being returned, in cases not
addressed by the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol. These types of protection are
subsidiary to the refugee status granted under the 1951 Refugee Convention and may vary widely
from one jurisdiction to another. It has also been argued that complementary forms of protection
may be relevant for some people forced to move on a long-term basis or permanently, i.e. when
there is no prospect of return in the long term. In 2008, the O
ffice of the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights (OHCHR) studied the effects of climate change on human rights and found the need
for progress on three key issues, before a claim could officially be made that climate causes a
violation of human rights:
obtaining sound proof that one country's greenhouse gas emissions cause a specific
effect on another country;
showing that the warming of the climate system is unequivocal and that most of the
observed increase in global average temperatures since the mid-20th century is very
likely human-induced;
rethinking the fact that the human rights framework is usually utilised in response to
violations, whereas climate change regulation is concerned with potential future
harm.
Promising developments: Climate litigation through a
human rights lens
Climate change litigation an emerging body of environmental law has seen growing traction as
a realistic means of bringing both private and public institutions to court for poor mitigation efforts.
The role of human rights-based arguments in particular has proved fruitful in a handful of recent
ground-breaking cases, as a means for the public to influence policy change and hold governments
accountable for the consequences of climate change. One such case,
Urgenda v The Dutch
Government (2019), became the first tort climate case successfully taken against a government
on the grounds of human rights violations. It was seen that the state had failed to meet minimum
carbon-emissions reduction goals set by experts and scientists, thus endangering its own citizens
under the European Convention of Human Rights (Articles 2 and 8). As a result, the Dutch
government was required to set new, more ambitious emissions reduction goals. Similarly, in 2020
the
Friends of the Irish Environment (FIE) won a case against the Irish government, when it was
found that the government's national mitigation plan was unlawful because it lacked ambition and
failed to comply with the requirements of a preceding climate act. The FIE stressed the human
impact that would occur if the plan was not revised and internationally defined goals were not met
including the increased risk of fatalities and destruction of people's homes and livelihoods.
Cases like these are slowly transforming the grounds on which climate action can be carried out by
ordinary people. Rights-based torts in an environmental context are now one of the promising new
ways to challenge the sometimes ambiguous or temporally distant negative effects of climate
change and the moral responsibility of governments to protect their citizens from these effects.
Litigation relating more specifically to the short-term consequences of climate change and
displacement has also seen recent advances. In September 2022, the UN Human Rights Committee
based in Geneva found Australia to be guilty of failing to protect the indigenous people of Torres
Island from the already existing consequences of climate change. With their island slowly becoming
submerged, it was found that the island population's fundamental right to be free from interference
in their private life and culture had been breached. The Australian government had failed to provide
adequate short-term solutions in the form of (inter alia) seawalls, and to achieve sufficient progress
in long-term efforts to reduce greenhouse emissions. While these cases serve as encouraging
The concept of 'climate refugee'
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human rights-centered legal avenues for those under the direct threat of climate change, the
majority of claims
result in negative outcomes. It also goes without saying that the most vulnerable
to climate disasters and displacement do not have the opportunities or avenues to challenge
governments in the courts.
In 2012, the Nansen initiative, launched by the governments of Norway and Switzerland, appeared
as the first milestone for the recognition and the protection of people externally displaced by
climate-related events. It aimed to fill the legal protection gap regarding the status of people
externally displaced by climate adversities, by building a consensus among states to implement a
protection agenda with standards of treatment. This states-led consultative process established in
October 2015 a non- binding ag
enda for the protection of cross-border displaced persons in the
context of disasters and climate change, endorsed by 109 states. It paved the way for the COP21 of
December 2015, where the Paris Agreement finally acknowledged climate change as a threat to
humankind and a trigger to human mobility.
Building on the endorsement of the protection agenda closing the 2012 Nansen initiative process,
a platform on disaster displacement
the 'Protection Agenda' was launched during the
Humanitarian summit of Istanbul in 2016. This platform offers states a toolbox to better prevent and
prepare for displacement before a disaster strikes. When displacement cannot be avoided, it helps
states to improve their responses to situations in which people are forced to find refuge, either
within their own country or across an international border. Rather than calling for a new binding
international convention on cross-border disaster displacement, the Protection Agenda supports
the integration of effective practices by states and (sub-) regional players into their own legal
frameworks, in accordance with their specific context.
After the adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015, the COPs started addressing the issue of climate
displacement with the aim of building a framework able to prevent migration (see box above).
Hence, in 2017, COP23 developed the InsuResilience Global Partnership
to help the countries
affected by climate disasters in the implementation of infrastructure and programmes in support of
2015 COP21: The preamble to the Paris Agreement recognises that climate change is a common concern
of humankind. It includes a reference to migrants, asking parties to respect, promote and consider their
respective obligations towards migrants, among others, when taking actions to address climate change. It
also calls on the Executive Committee of the Warsaw International Mechanism (WIM) to prepare a task force
on displacement. In its
decisions, the Conference of the Parties recognises the dangers of displacement
and the fact that climate change is a driver of displacement (paragraph 50).
2017 COP23: Held in Bonn, Germany, COP23 put together a platform InsuResilience Global Partnership
for Climate and Disaster Risk Finance and Insurance Solutions seeking to reduce the humanitarian impact
of climate disasters by helping vulnerable population in their recovery.
2018 COP24: Held in Katowice, Poland, COP 24 encouraged the parties, in its decision text paragraph 5(b),
to 'continue working on human mobility under strategic workstream through an enhanced cooperation
and facilitation in relation to human mobility, including migration, displacement and planned relocation'.
It also
recommended in its Annex1(c) strengthening 'coordination, coherence and collaboration across
relevant bodies under the Convention and the Paris Agreement, and institutional arrangements, programs
and platforms, with a view to enhancing understanding of human mobility (including migration,
displacement and planned relocation), both internal and cross-border, in the context of climate change, as
they undertake their work, and in collaboration with the Executive Committee'
.
2021 COP26: held in Glasgow, Scotland, the COP
sought to establish a preventive framework with
defences, warning systems and resilient infrastructure and agriculture, to respond to loss of homes,
livelihoods and lives caused by climate disasters, and in that way to prevent climate-induced migration.
2022 COP27: held in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, the COP reached a breakthrough agreement on establishing
a new loss and damage fund for countries most vulnerable to disasters attributed to climate change, where
forced displacement was successfully recognised as a form of 'loss'. The event also hosted the launch of the
Climate Mobility Pavilion a forum created by the Global Centre for Climate Mobility as a space dedicated
to discussions on policy solutions for climate mobility and displacement.
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populations victim of climate hazard, notably through financial help, insurance, resilience
programmes, regional collaboration and coordination. In 2018, both COP24 and the UN Global
compact for safe, orderly and regular migration framework recognised climate change as a driver of
human mobility. COP24 took up the commitment made in the Paris Agreement to fight climate
change, and for the first time a series of measures
was proposed to address the situation of people
affected adversely by climate change.
5
Furthermore, the COP24 framed a discussion to accompany
both home and host states with the displacement of people due to climate disasters. Later, the 2018
Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration also included climate migration in its
second objective.
It is evident from all the above that so far, it is not the legal status of climate-displaced persons that
has been addressed, but rather, the root causes of their displacement to prevent the massive climate
migration waves forecast for 2050. As can be seen above, though the Nansen initiative has paved
the way for new possibilities for the recognition of people who have been externally displaced due
to climate, a legal void regarding their status remains.
How the coronavirus pandemic worsened the condition of
climate-displaced people
Although the forced movement of people might have been expected to subside during the
pandemic, human mobility flows relating to climate disasters increased in regions such as sub-
Saharan Africa, Europe and Central Asia. IDMC
estimates reveal that the 30.7 million displacements
registered in 2020 made it the year with the highest level of displacements linked to climate since
2010. Yet, some
climate-disaster affected people chose to stay in their vulnerable homes rather than
risk being infected by the virus in migrant camps with poor sanitation. In September 2020, a fire
destroyed the Moria camp in the Greek island of Lesvos, displacing 12 000 people and illustrating
the vulnerability of migrants living in camps on the EU's borders. The ongoing pandemic at the time
made it all the more difficult and complex to offer a swift and safe response.
Following the devastating earthquake in Croatia on 28 December 2020, which left 8 people dead
and 2 000 displaced, fears that this would lead to an increase in COVID-19 infections materialised:
two out of the six temporary shelters, housing 487 people, were placed under quarantine. The
pandemic and related border restrictions made it harder to seek assistance, especially for vulnerable
people fleeing their homes due to climate calamities or hazards but not qualifying for refugee status.
The EU response to 'climate refugees'
In the 2019 European Green Deal initiative, the European Commission recognised climate change
as a trigger of migration and of other sources of instability such as conflicts, food insecurity and
population displacement. Climate has been acknowledged several times by both the European
Commission and the
European Parliament as a catalyst for migration. The number of climate
migrants is expected to rise to between 25 million and 1 billion by 2050 if the issue is not properly
addressed. Since 1994, the European Parliament Intergroup on Climate Change, Biodiversity and
Sustainable Development has brought together Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from
all political groups and parliamentary committees to find sustainable solutions to some of the
greatest challenges of our time. In its
resolution of 15 June 2023, the Parliament called for 15 July to
be designated the EU day for the victims of the global climate crisis, as of 2023, in order to raise
awareness of the human lives lost and the humanitarian crisis caused by climate change. However,
although many developing countries have urged the EU to afford climate migrants the status of
refugees, individual EU Member States have not supported the idea. The EU has so far addressed
the root causes of climate migration, advocating through the Green Deal for better global climate
policies and for regional development programmes to reduce the impact of climate change on
already vulnerable regions and populations.
The concept of 'climate refugee'
11
In 2018, the European Commission made a proposal to address the main causes of irregular
migration, namely underdevelopment, demography, lack of opportunities, climate change and
inequality, through the establishment of an asylum, migration and integration fund. Link ed t o this
proposal is the new pact on migration and asylum, published in September 2020, seeking to protect
refugee status and to propose better integration of rightful immigrants. However, this new pact
does not address climate change as a recognised reason for migration or list it as a fair motive for
seeking asylum. It is therefore difficult to draw any solid conclusions regarding the legal status of
'climate refugees' based on the main EU instruments on migration. In 2020, the European Economic
and Social Committee (EESC) highlighted the lack of an accurate definition of climate migration,
which obstructs efforts to properly measure the proportions of the problem and address it. Du ring
this hearing, Isabel Borges stressed that there is no comprehensive framework to address the
climate migration issue. 'Environmental displacement has to be seen as a human rights issue and
there should be a rights-based approach', Borges maintained.
With environmental degradation due to climate change proving to be an ever-increasing problem
closer to home, the EU may start viewing climate migration not only from the viewpoint of a territory
receiving displaced people from abroad but also as one where climate displacement occurs
internally. To achieve the goal of climate neutrality by 2050, the European Green Deal and
subsequent COPs have focused primarily on tackling the 'root causes' of climate change. However,
the EU may increasingly be prompted to explore other avenues and policy initiatives for climate
change mitigation, especially when emissions reductions are not happening rapidly enough.
Falling under the broad umbrella of environmental degradation, biodiversity loss has a significant
negative impact on our planet's ability to protect itself and its inhabitants from the consequences
of climate change. Biodiversity loss and climate change are deeply mutually enforced,
interconnected by the direct impact they have on one another. This is recognised in the proposed
regulation on a nature restoration law
, on which the European Parliament adopted amendments on
12 July 2023. In its resolution on the vote, Parliament stated that the regulation is a key step in
avoiding ecosystem collapse and preventing the worst impacts of climate change and biodiversity
loss. Implementation of the
EU's biodiversity strategy for 2030 is also underway, with a core
objective of increasing resilience against the negative effects of climate change. While the legal
status of 'climate refugees' remains an issue in and of itself, a more holistic approach to climate
change mitigation that includes biodiversity restoration, among other things, might ultimately
tackle the overarching causes of climate displacement more effectively.
Outlook
According to the IPCC, to keep the global temperature rise under 1.5
o
C or 2
o
C by 2050,
approximately 10 gigatonnes of net CO
2
per year need to be removed. If the initiatives proposed by
the IPCC and as discussed above serve as catalysts for sustainable and implementable solutions, the
displacement of millions of people could be avoided by 2050, and their living conditions could at
least be stabilised if not improved. It is however imperative to also understand and address climate
displacement as a short-term challenge. Hence, a treaty based on the Nansen initiative, considering
its 10 principles, could perhaps address the legal gap as regards the status of persons moving as a
result of climate hazards in the short and medium term. The EU could lead by example, by
establishing, for a start, a European framework of rights for people forcibly displaced owing to
climate hazards, envisaging, among other things, proper and timely remedial action in support of
the victims of climate disasters. Further to COP27 in Egypt and the concrete initiatives adopted to
support victims of climate change, COP28, which will take place from 30 November to
12 December 2023 in Dubai, will look into ways to ensure a just and balanced energy transition
that
spurs the switch from fossil fuels to renewables while keeping costs in check.
EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service
12
MAIN REFERENCES
Bilak A. et al., Global Report on Internal Displacement 2021, Internal Displacement Monitoring Center
2021.
De Smedt K. and Faure M., Compensation for victims of climate change disasters, Policy Department C,
Directorate-General for Internal Policies, European Parliament, July 2023.
Hinkel J. et al., Special Report on the Ocean and Cryosphere in a Changing Climate, Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change, 2019.
Kraler A. et al, Climate Change and Migration, Policy Department C, Directorate-General for Internal
Policies, European Parliament, 2020.
McAdam J. and Limon M., Human rights, Climate change and cross-border displacement: the role of the
international human rights community in contributing to effective and just solutions, Universal Rights
Group, 2015.
Walsh B. et al., The cost of doing nothing, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent
Societies, 2019.
ENDNOTES
1
See, Bonnie Docherty & Tyler Giannini, Symposium: Confronting a Rising Tide: A Proposal for a Climate Refugee Treaty,
33 Harvard EVITL L. Rev. 349, 372, 385 (2009).
2
The report predicts a sharp increase in forced migration and conflict as a result. Afghanistan, South Sudan, Syria,
Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo experienced the highest levels of internal displacement, while
developed countries can expect to see an expanding influx of climate refugees forced to leave their homeland.
3
ILO Convention No 169 (1989) concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries provides for
special protection of the environment of the areas that indigenous peoples occupy or otherwise use. At the regional
level, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the San Salvador Protocol to the American Convention
on Human Rights recognise the right to live in a healthy or satisfactory environment. Moreover, many national
constitutions refer to a right to an environment of a certain quality.
4
See Resolution 1862 (2009) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, point 6.5, which states 'encourage
the United Nations and its other relevant partners to seek avenues for extending the Guiding Principles to include
people displaced by gradual environmental degradation, and to consider developing similar guiding principles or
guidelines to cover the rights of those moving across international borders for compelling environmental reasons
(''external displacement'')'.
5
The EU and scores of developing countries have pledged to toughen their existing commitments to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions, to enable the world to stay within a 1.C rise in global warming.
DISCLAIMER AND COPYR
IGHT
This document is prepared for, and addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament as
background material to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole
responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official
position of the Parliament.
Reproduction and translation for non
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commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is
acknowledged and the European Parliament is given prior notice and sent a copy.
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