Office of the General Counsel
3211 FOURTH STREET NE WASHINGTON DC 20017-1194 202-541-3300 FAX 202-541-3337
October 8, 2014
Submitted Electronically
Office of Health Plan Standards and Compliance Assistance
Employee Benefits Security Administration
Room N-5653
U.S. Department of Labor
200 Constitution Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20210
Attention: Preventive Services
Re: Comments on Interim Final Rules on Coverage of Certain
Preventive Services Under the Affordable Care Act
Dear Sir or Madam:
On behalf of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, we
respectfully submit the following comments on the interim final rules on coverage
of certain preventive services under the Affordable Care Act (“ACA”). 79 Fed.
Reg. 51092 (Aug. 27, 2014).
Our comments make the following points:
The interim final rules do not change the content of the mandate. As
before, non-grandfathered health plans and policies must provide
coverage for drugs and devices approved by the FDA as contraceptives
(including those that can cause an abortion), sterilization procedures for
women, and related education and counseling.
1
Unlike other mandated
preventive services,” prescription contraceptives covered by this
1
We use the term “contraceptives” and contraceptive coverage” to refer to the items listed
above and their coverage, respectively. We use the term “mandate” or “contraceptive mandate”
as shorthand for the requirement that non-grandfathered health plans and policies provide this
coverage.
2
mandate do not prevent disease. Instead, they are associated with an
increased risk of a number of adverse health outcomes, including
conditions, such as AIDS and breast cancer, that other “preventive
services” are designed to prevent. The contraceptive mandate is
therefore at odds with the purpose of the preventive services provision of
ACA upon which that mandate purports to be based. In addition, insofar
as the mandate requires coverage of drugs and devices that can cause an
abortion, the mandate departs from a longstanding tradition in federal
law of protecting rights of conscience with regard to respect for unborn
human life. We have raised these issues in previous comments.
2
The interim final rules do not change the limited scope of the
exemption for some religious organizations. As before, only churches,
their integrated auxiliaries, conventions and associations of churches,
and the “exclusively religious activities” of religious orders are exempt
from the mandate. No exemption is available for other religious
organizations, or even for the caring ministries provided by religious
orders themselves. The resulting gerrymander of the religious
community into those organizations and activities deemed “religious
enough,” and those deemed “not religious enough,” to qualify for the
exemption is entirely arbitrary and unsupported by any legitimate, let
alone compelling, government interest. Religious organizations that fall
on the non-exempt side of the religious gerrymander include those which
contribute most visibly to the common good through the provision of
health, educational, and social services. We have raised these issues in
previous comments.
The interim final rules likewise do not change the fact that the
regulations contain no exemption, nor even an “accommodation,” for the
vast majority of individual and institutional stakeholders with religious
or moral objections to contraceptive coverage. This includes nonprofit
organizations without a religious affiliation, religious and nonreligious
for-profit organizations, insurers and third party administrators
(“TPAs”), and individuals enrolled in group plans or purchasing health
2
Our previous comments, filed in September 2010, August 2011, May 2012, and March 2013,
are available at http://www.usccb.org/about/general-counsel/rulemaking.
3
insurance policies on or off the exchanges for themselves and their
minor children. We have raised these issues in previous comments.
The interim final rules do not change the purpose or effect of the
EBSA Form 700, the self-certification form for “accommodated”
employers. As under the previous regulation, nonexempt, nonprofit
religious organizations with a religious objection to contraceptive
coverage (“eligible organizations”) remain subject to the mandate, but
are deemed to be in compliance with it if they provide their insurer or
TPA with a completed Form 700. Receipt of the form by the insurer (or,
in the case of a self-insured plan, TPA) authorizes and/or obliges it to
provide or arrange payments for contraceptives to persons enrolled in the
plan. This mechanism suffers from a number of flaws. First, it is based
on questionable and disputed factual assumptions. Second, even if those
assumptions were sound, the eligible organization is required to facilitate
payments for the contraceptives to which it objects. Third, the eligible
organization’s own health plan is used as the mechanism or vehicle for
ensuring that such payments are made, thus depriving the organization of
the right to establish and maintain a health plan for its employees that is
consonant with its religious beliefs and commitments. We have raised
these issues in previous comments.
The interim final rules allow what the government characterizes as an
alternative” to the Form 700, but this mechanism suffers from many of
the same flaws as the Form 700. In lieu of executing and delivering the
Form 700 to the insurer or TPA, an eligible organization will be deemed
in compliance with the mandate if it notifies the government in writing
of the organization’s objection. The required notice is not limited to a
statement of objection. It must include certain specified information
that—by the government’s own account—is needed to ensure that the
very coverage to which the employer objects is extended to its
employees. Thus, the eligible organization’s own health plan continues
to be used as the mechanism or vehicle for ensuring that such payments
are made, depriving the organization of the right to establish and
maintain a health plan for its employees that is consonant with its
religious beliefs and commitments.
In short, the interim final rules fail to remedy the violation of religious
liberty that the mandate causes and that has been the subject of continued
4
litigation. The mandate continues to substantially burden the religious liberty of
stakeholders with religious objections to the mandated coverage. Because it does
not further a compelling government interest by the means least restrictive of
religious exercise, the mandate continues to violate the Religious Freedom
Restoration Act (“RFRA”). This conclusion is borne out by the Supreme Court’s
decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, 134 S. Ct. 2751 (2014), as well as
lower court decisions, the majority of which have granted some form of injunctive
relief to parties with a religious objection to contraceptive coverage.
Our more detailed comments follow.
I. The Mandate Is Unchanged.
The interim final rules make no change in the underlying mandate. For
reasons discussed more fully in our earlier comments, we continue to believe that
the contraceptive mandate should be rescinded. Unlike other “preventive
services,” prescription contraceptives do not prevent” disease. Instead, they
disrupt the healthy functioning of the human reproductive system, temporarily or
permanently creating the condition of infertility commonly seen as a health
problem.
3
Indeed, various contraceptives are associated with adverse health
outcomes, including an increased risk of such serious conditions as AIDS,
4
breast
and cervical cancer, cardiac failure, and stroke.
5
See our comments of March 20,
3
The Administration may claim that neither fertility nor infertility is objectively unhealthy, that
either may be welcome depending on a woman’s individual goals. If that were true, however, it
would simply mean that prescription contraception and sterilization are “elective” items and not
part of basic health care. Supporters of the mandate have also emphasized its goal of expanding
use of “long-acting reversible contraceptives” that cannot be discontinued or removed without
the help of a physician. These drugs and devices are favored because their effectiveness is more
“independent” of “user motivation and adherence” – that is, they are less responsive to women’s
own changing goals. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, “Increasing Use of
Contraceptive Implants and Intrauterine Devices to Reduce Unintended Pregnancy,” ACOG
Committee Opinion No. 450 (Dec. 2009), available at
http://www.acog.org/~/media/Committee%20Opinions/Committee%20on%20Gynecologic%20P
ractice/co450.pdf?dmc=1&ts=20140915T1355256865.
4
See “Hormonal contraception doubles HIV risk, study suggests,” Science Daily, October 4,
2011, at http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2011/10/111003195253.htm.
5
The National Cancer Institute finds that oral contraceptives are associated with a reduced risk
of ovarian and endometrial cancer, but an increased risk of breast and cervical cancer and some
5
2013, at 4; our comments of August 31, 2011, at 3-4; and our comments of
September 17, 2010, at 4. The contraceptive mandate is therefore at war with the
statutory provision on which it claims to be based, a provision that seeks to ensure
coverage of services that prevent disease, rather than increase the risk of it.
6
Insofar as it requires coverage of abortifacient drugs and devices, the
mandate also departs from a longstanding tradition in federal law of respect for
moral and religious objections to abortion.
7
The Administration has taken the
position that “conception” only occurs upon implantation in the womb. It claims
that these drugs and devices are therefore nothing but “contraceptives.” On the
other hand, millions of Americans recognize that a new member of the human
species is alive from the time of fertilization, and they hold religious and moral
convictions about the need to respect and protect human life from that stage. As
the Supreme Court explained in Hobby Lobby, it is not the role of government to
second guess a person’s religious beliefs, or what does or does not violate those
beliefs. On this question, as long as the individual’s or organization’s religious
beliefs are sincerely held, the government may not substitute its judgment for that
of the conscientious objector. 134 S. Ct. at 2777-79 (discussing Thomas v. Review
Board, 450 U.S. 707 (1981)). In any event, to the extent that the government
requires coverage of drugs that can cause an abortion after implantation, such as
ulipristal or “Ella,” the mandate would encompass “abortion” even as the
liver tumors. NCI Fact Sheet, Oral Contraceptives and Cancer Risk,” March 21, 2012, at
http://www.cancer.gov/cancertopics/factsheet/Risk/oral-contraceptives. Yet the
Administration’s final rule of last year spoke only of “health benefits” from these drugs,
including “prevention of certain cancers.” 78 Fed. Reg. 39870, 39872 (July 2, 2013). For other
documented risks the Administration has ignored, see R. Peck and C. Norris, Significant Risks
of Oral Contraceptives (OCPs): Why This Drug Class Should Not Be Included in a Preventive
Care Mandate,” 79(1) The Linacre Quarterly 41-56 (Feb. 2012), at
https://www.familyplanning.net/sites/default/files/Significan-Risks-of-Oral-Contraceptives-
OCPs-Why-This-Drug-Should-Not-Be-Included-In-a-Preventive-Care-Mandate.pdf.
6
The Administration’s refusal to recognize an increased risk of breast and cervical cancer from
some of these drugs is an especially glaring omission in light of the legislative history of the
preventive services” provision, where sponsors of the provision cited the prevention of breast
and cervical cancer among its key goals. Cong. Record, Nov. 30, 2009, pp. S11986-91.
7
For a compilation of federal laws protecting religious and moral beliefs with respect to abortion
and sterilization, see USCCB Secretariat of Pro-Life Activities, “Current Federal Laws
Protecting Conscience Rights,” available at http://www.usccb.org/issues-and-action/religious-
liberty/conscience-protection/upload/Federal-Conscience-Laws.pdf.
6
Administration itself has defined it. In this way, the mandate also violates ACA
provisions dealing with abortion coverage and non-preemption of state law,
8
as
well as the Weldon amendment.
9
See our comments of March 20, 2013 at 4-6.
II. The Regulatory Scheme Reflects an Arbitrary Gerrymander of the
Religious Community.
The government exempts houses of worship, but church-affiliated ministries
of service—such as Catholic hospitals, charities, and schools—remain subject to
the mandate. As has now become widely known, even the caring ministry of a
devout religious order such as the Little Sisters of the Poor, seen by that order as an
integral part of its central religious mission, is not exempt. This poses a serious
religious freedom problem, for it creates and enforces an arbitrary division
between houses of worship and their ministries of service, treating the latter as if
they are of little religious importance. Moreover, providing full protection only to
houses of worship implies that only their activities are entitled to such protection.
But just as religion is not limited to worship, the freedom of religion is not limited
to the freedom of worship. Religious freedom must also include the freedom to
abide by Church teachings, outside as well as inside the four walls of the
sanctuary.
By circumscribing its reach predominantly to houses of worship, the
exemption represents the narrowest protection of conscience in health care
anywhere in federal law. As noted in our prior comments, federal conscience
protections in the health care context are typically robust. Foremost among these
is the Church Amendment of 1973, 42 U.S.C. §300a-7. Its operative language—
which protects against government coercion of conduct that would be contrary to
[the] religious beliefs or moral convictions” of individuals or entities—has enjoyed
8
42 U.S.C. § 18023(b)(1)(A) (stating that “nothing” in title I of ACA, which includes the
provision dealing with preventive services, “shall be construed to require a qualified health plan
to provide coverage of [abortion] services … as part of its essential health benefits for any plan
year”); id. (stating that it is the “issuer” of a plan, not the government, that “shall determine
whether or not the plan provides coverage of [abortion] services”); 42 U.S.C. § 18023(c)(1)
(stating that nothing in ACA preempts or has any effect on State law regarding abortion
coverage).
9
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2014, Pub. L. No. 113-76, Div. H, § 507(d) (stating that no
Labor/HHS funds may be made available to any government agency that discriminates against
any health plan on the basis that the plan does not provide abortion coverage).
7
broad bipartisan support, and has been repeated in numerous federal conscience
laws over the forty years since its original passage.
10
Language like this represents
the only complete solution to the religious freedom problems caused by the
mandate.
III. The Interim Final Rules Do Not Offer Even the Semblance of Relief for
Most Stakeholders.
For the overwhelming majority of stakeholders, the interim final rules offer
not even a gesture in the direction of conscience protection—neither the
exemption, nor even the “accommodation.”
11
These stakeholders include
conscientiously-opposed individuals, religious and non-religious for-profit
employers, nonprofit employers without religious affiliation, insurers, and third-
party administrators.
In this way, the mandate completely fails to acknowledge the religious
freedom of these individual and institutional conscientious objectors. Because it is
not narrowly tailored to accomplish a compelling government interest, the mandate
violates RFRA, as most courts addressing the issue have either held or found likely
in granting some form of injunctive relief. The interim final rules do nothing to
cure this violation.
IV. The Accommodation, as Implemented Through EBSA Form 700, Still
Fails to Relieve the Mandate’s “Substantial Burden” on Religious
Exercise.
In previous comments, we have identified three problems concerning use of
the EBSA Form 700.
10
See “Current Federal Laws Protecting Conscience Rights,” supra note 7.
11
By a notice of proposed rulemaking issued on the same day as the interim final rules here at
issue, the Administration has stated its intention to extend the “accommodation” to closely held
for-profit employers. But as our separate comments on that proposed rule explain in greater
detail, that extension of the accommodation does not increase religious freedom, but decreases
it. By applying the accommodation to precisely the group of for-profit employers that the
Supreme Court has found fully exempt under RFRA in Hobby Lobby, subjecting those
employers to the accommodation would implicate those employers more—not less—in the
provision of the objectionable coverage.
8
First, the claimed “accommodation” using Form 700 rests on a number of
questionable assumptions. The regulations continue to state that the insurer/TPA
providing or arranging for payment of contraceptives may not impose any cost-
sharing upon the employer or the employee for such payments. But if there is no
charge to the employer or employees, what funds will the insurer or TPA use to
pay for contraceptives? The government has long claimed that paying for
contraceptives is cost neutral because the insurer or TPA will be providing or
arranging those payments for the same persons as are enrolled in the plan. But the
evidence for this claim is at best inconclusive, with some commentators and
studies suggesting that the claim is positively false.
For example, one recent commentator concludes that “[t]he Administration
hasn’t proven that requiring insurance companies to provide free contraception on
request will save them enough in medical costs to make the net costs zero or less.
He reports that a Texas studyestimated that covering contraception would not
produce enough savings to cover the added cost,” and that a “recent survey of 15
insurance companies said six of them expected costs to rise,” while “[n]one
predicted a net cost savings by reducing unintended pregnancies.”
12
One health
economist cites studies indicating that claimed “eventual savings of contraceptive
coverage may not necessarily accrue to an insurer.” Another source, cited by the
same economist, concluded, after a fuller review of the literature on the cost and
cost offsets of contraceptive coverage, that evidence that “contraceptive coverage
pays for itself in the long term” is “thin” and that “it almost certainly does not” pay
for itselfin the short [term].”
13
Indeed, even if there were cost savings from reduced childbirths, the claims
that those savings will pay for contraceptives would only make sense if the
reimbursements came from funds paid for those same individuals for childbirth
coverage. 78 Fed. Reg. 39870, 39877 (July 2, 2013). And those premiums for
coverage of childbirth come from the employer and enrollees in the plan. In other
words, some of the funds the employer and the employee paid for childbirth
12
Ben Finley, “Cloudy Contraception Costs: Does Insurance Coverage for Contraception Save
Money? Evidence is Conflicting, Inconclusive,” FactCheck (May 19, 2014), available at
http://www.factcheck.org/2012/02/cloudy-contraception-costs/.
13
Austin Frakt, “Does Birth Control Coverage Pay for Itself? Maybe Not,” N.Y. Times (July 9,
2014), http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/10/upshot/does-contraceptive-coverage-pay-for-
itself.html?_r=0.
9
coverage will, arguably, not be needed for childbirths, and so will be available to
reimburse the insurer for contraceptives instead.
Thus, notwithstanding the regulatory prohibition against directly or
indirectly charging the employer or employee for contraceptives, the employer still
seems to be contributing to the objectionable payments. Put another way, if there
are actually reduced maternity claims against the employer’s plan as a result of its
employees receiving separate payments for contraceptives, then in the ordinary
course, those cost savings would result in the “accommodated” employer’s paying
a reduced premium in subsequent years. But under the existing regulatory scheme,
if claims against the plan are reduced, the employer would not pay a reduced
premium for that plan. Instead, the employer’s premium would remain as high as
it was previously, even though its claims experience should result in a lower
premium. And it is precisely that increment of the premium over the actual
experience-based cost that would pay for contraceptives.
In the case of insured plans, the Administration claimed in the preamble to
its 2013 final rule that the cost of contraceptives could be treated as “an
administrative cost that is spread across the issuer’s entire risk pool, excluding
plans established or maintained by eligible organizations ….” 78 Fed. Reg. 39870,
39878 (July 2, 2013). This suggests that funds provided by third parties who are
strangers to the eligible organization and its group plan might ultimately be tapped
to pay for the cost of contraceptives for enrollees in the plan. However, the
Administration has pointed to nothing in ACA that contemplates or authorizes such
cross-subsidization.
14
For these reasons, we are unable to conclude that “accommodated”
organizations are necessarily free from paying, either immediately or ultimately,
for contraceptives, or that the regulatory prohibition against charging employers
and employees for these costs will prove to be enforceable. Indeed, previous
attempts by the federal government to segregate funding of abortion from the use
of federal tax dollars have proven to be ineffective. See General Accountability
14
In the case of self-insured plans, funding for contraceptives is purportedly available through a
reduction in the exchange user fee, but this assumes that the TPA will be able to find an insurer
willing to make these payments and that the reduction will keep pace with the actual cost of
contraceptives. Even if they kept pace, contraceptive payments would not be recovered until
months after the payments are made, which raises the question of what source of funds are to be
used in the meantime to make such payments.
10
Office, Health Insurance Exchanges: Coverage of Non-Excepted Abortion
Services by Qualified Health Plans” (Sept. 15, 2014) (noting that certain federal
requirements relating to segregation of funds with respect to elective abortions
have not been followed). The questions we have raised above about funding,
combined with the absence of any workable mechanism for policing an insurer’s or
TPA’s use of contributions from employers, give reasons for concern that the
attempted segregation of those contributions from contraceptive payments will
likewise turn out to be ineffective.
Second, even if the Administration’s claims with respect to funding proved
to be true, the claimed “accommodation” made available through completion and
delivery of the Form 700 still requires eligible organizations to facilitate access to
objectionable services in direct contravention of their sincerely-held religious
beliefs. As some litigants have noted, the Form 700 operates as a kind of
permission slip” authorizing and even ordering the insurer or TPA to provide or
arrange for payments for contraceptives.
15
Indeed, in the case of self-insured plans
subject to ERISA, the government has said that by signing the Form 700, the
employer has created an “instrument” designating the employer’s TPA to provide
or arrange for the very coverage that violates the employer’s religious faith. The
government has no authority to second guess an eligible organization’s conviction
that such facilitation violates its religious beliefs. Hobby Lobby, 134 S. Ct. at
2777-79.
Third, insofar as the insurer/TPA is providing or arranging payments for
contraceptives based on an enrollee’s participation in the eligible organization’s
group plan, such payments are facilitated by the plan which the religious objector
has offered to, and purchased for, its employees. In essence, offering a group
health plan operates automatically as a ticket” for purportedlyfree”
contraceptives, even if the plan does not explicitly list contraceptives within its
coverage. The employees (and their dependents such as female minor children)
will receive this “entitlement” whether they want it or not, triggered by their
15
See, e.g., S. Nazarene Univ. v. Sebelius, No. CIV-13-1015-F, 2013 WL 6804265, at *8 (W.D.
Okla. Dec. 23, 2013): The self certification is, in effect, a permission slip which must be signed
by the institution to enable the plan beneficiary to get access, free of charge, from the
institution’s insurer or third party administrator, to the products to which the institution objects.
If the institution does not sign the permission slip, it is subject to very substantial penalties or
other serious consequences. If the institution does sign the permission slip, and only if the
institution signs the permission slip, [the] institution’s insurer or third party administrator is
obligated to provide the free products and services to the plan beneficiary.”
11
enrollment in a health plan offered by their employer. By requiring the eligible
organization’s own health plan to be used as the mechanism or vehicle for ensuring
that payments are made to plan enrollees for contraceptives, the government denies
this organization the right to establish and maintain a health plan for its employees
that is consonant with its religious beliefs and commitments.
As we have noted before, suppression of religious freedom can take at least
two forms. It can take the form of making conscientious objectors actively
cooperate with what they see as morally forbidden. But it can also take the form of
depriving those objectors of the right (a right that others continue to exercise) to do
what they see as morally required. Objecting employers, including many religious
organizations, will lose that right, because any plan they offer will be turned into a
conduit for the objectionable coverage. The practical outcome for employees and
their children is exactly the same as if the organization had no objection.
Employees who share the objecting organization’s religious tenets are similarly
deprived of the freedom to choose a workplace organized according to their own
values, and are forced to accept coverage for their families to which they have their
own religious or moral objection.
None of our comments on the EBSA Form 700 are new. We raised all these
problems when the idea of having insurers or TPAs make or arrange payments for
contraceptives was first aired. See our comments of May 15, 2012, at 10-18. And,
of course, the government is now fully cognizant of these problems. It has been
defending dozens of lawsuits by nonexempt religious organizations that, as stated
in court filings and for many of the reasons we have articulated, do not see
themselves as having been relieved of the burden on their religious liberty caused
by use of the Form 700.
V. The Accommodation, as Implemented Through the Alternative
Notification, Still Fails to Relieve the Mandate’s “Substantial Burden”
on Religious Exercise.
Under the interim final rules, in lieu of executing and delivering the Form
700 to the insurer or TPA, an eligible organization will be deemed in compliance
with the mandate if it notifies the government in writing of the organization’s
objection. The rules state that the notice must include the following information:
The name of the eligible organization.
12
The basis on which it qualifies for an accommodation.
The organization’s objection based on sincerely-held religious
beliefs to coverage of some or all contraceptives (including an
identification of the subset of contraceptives to which coverage the
eligible organization objects, if applicable).
The plan name and type (i.e., whether it is a student health insurance
plan or a church plan).
The name and contact information for the religious organization’s
insurer and/or TPA.
If there is any change in the information required to be included in the
notice, the organization must provide the updated information to HHS. Upon
receipt of this information and based upon it, the government will contact the
organization’s insurer or TPA to inform it of its obligation to provide or arrange
payments for contraceptives to plan enrollees.
16
This mechanism suffers from many of the same flaws as the Form 700.
First, the alternative notification to the government does nothing to alter the
questions and concerns about the source of funding for contraceptive payments
discussed above with respect to the Form 700. The claim that such payments will
be cost neutral has not been demonstrated, and has been affirmatively disputed by
some experts. The fact therefore remains that the employer may ultimately be
helping to pay for contraceptives for persons enrolled in its plan. In the case of
insured plans, it is unclear that there is any pool of funds from which the insurer
can lawfully draw, were employer and employee contributions to be excluded.
And in the case of self-insured plans, it would seem that such contributions will be
tapped insofar as reductions in the federal exchange user fee fail to provide a
contemporaneous and complete source of funding.
17
Finally, although insurers and
16
The information the government has said it must receive from the eligible organization is the
“minimumnecessary,” the Administration claims (79 Fed. Reg. at 51095), to enable the
government to inform the insurer or TPA of its obligation to pay or arrange payments for
contraceptives.
17
Of course, assuming for argument’s sake that the reduction in user fee covers the entire cost,
the government’s offer of reimbursement of 115% of the TPA’s costs (see 45 C.F.R. §
13
TPAs are nominally forbidden to use employer contributions to cover
contraceptive costs, there seems to be no mechanism for detecting or enforcing this
requirement. As discussed above, enforcing analogous requirements on abortion
funding has proven to be problematic.
Second, even assuming the truth of the government’s funding claims, the
interim final rules still require eligible organizations to facilitate access to
objectionable services in direct contravention of their sincerely-held religious
beliefs. Like the Form 700, the eligible organization’s alternative notice to the
government directly supplies it with all it needs to authorize and require the insurer
or TPA to provide or arrange for the payments to which that employer objects.
18
Third, even if the employer were not required to complete and deliver either
the Form 700 or the alternative notice to the government, it is the employer’s own
health plan that remains the conduit for payments for contraceptives. Enrollees
obtain those payments precisely because they are enrolled in the plan. The plan
itself, as noted in our discussion of the Form 700, continues to operate as a “ticket”
for contraceptives, with the ultimate result being payments for those items just as if
contraceptives had simply been listed in the plan.
156.50(d)(3)(ii)) creates a financial incentive for TPAs to act in direct contravention of the
employer’s moral or religious commitments and make the objectionable payments. This is
problematic because the TPA’s contract, after all, is with the employer, not with the government.
And the offer of reimbursement from the government exacerbates the problem of conscience that
cooperation poses for the eligible organization, for now its completion and delivery of either the
Form 700 or the alternative notice to the government will be accompanied by the certain
knowledge that the government will not only be (a) informing the TPA of its obligation to make
the payments, but (b) luring it to make those payments through a promise of compensation for
their expenses plus a generous profit.
18
Although the interim final rules suggest otherwise, the revised Form 700 states that it is the
employer’s own alternative “notice to the Secretary” that is “an instrument under which the plan
is operated.” EBSA Form 700 (revised Aug. 2014), p. 2, available at
http://www.dol.gov/ebsa/pdf/preventiveserviceseligibleorganizationcertificationform.pdf. Of
course, whether it is the notice to the government (as the revised Form 700 states ) or the notice
from the government (as the interim final rules state) that constitutes the “instrument”
authorizing the TPA to provide the objectionable items, the employer’s own action is the
essential or necessary condition that puts all this into effect.
14
V. Conclusion
The interim final rules retain a regulatory scheme in which “preventive”
health services are defined to include items that do not prevent disease, but rather
are intended to render a woman temporarily or permanently infertile, and may be
associated with adverse health outcomes. The existing exemption artificially and
arbitrarily carves up the religious community into those that are deemed “religious
enough” for the exemption and those that are not, generally excluding those who
practice their faith by most visibly serving the common good. Now, as before,
most stakeholders are offered no exemption. Finally, under the revised
accommodation” for non-exempt religious organizations, plan premiums appear
likely to serve as the funding source, and the plan continues to serve as the conduit,
for the objectionable “services.In the end, the objecting employer is prevented
from offering its employees a plan that comports with its religious convictions.
In short, the Administration continues to propose: (a) an unjust and unlawful
mandate; (b) an arbitrarily narrow exemption for houses of worship; (c) no
exemption at all for most stakeholders; and (d) anaccommodation” that still
requires employers that fall outside the narrow government definition of “religious
employer” to facilitate the objectionable coverage.
Once again, we urge the Administration to reconsider.
Respectfully submitted,
Anthony R. Picarello, Jr.
Associate General Secretary &
General Counsel
Michael F. Moses
Associate General Counsel
UNITED STATES CONFERENCE OF
CATHOLIC BISHOPS
3211 Fourth Street, NE
Washington, DC 20017
(202) 541-3300