Untangling the disaster-depression knot: The role of social ties after
Deepwater Horizon
Ariane L. Rung
a
,
*
, Symielle Gaston
a
,
1
, William T. Robinson
b
, Edward J. Trapido
a
,
Edward S. Peters
a
a
Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Program, 2020 Gravier Street, 3rd Floor, New Orleans, LA 7011 8,
USA
b
Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center, School of Public Health, Behavioral & Community Health Sciences Program, 2020 Gravier Street, 3rd
floor, New Orleans, LA 70118, USA
article info
Article history:
Received 6 October 2016
Received in revised form
5 January 2017
Accepted 22 January 2017
Available online 24 January 2017
Keywords:
Louisiana, USA
Social support
Cognitive social capital
Structural social capital
Mental health
Disaster
Oil spill
Structural equation modeling
abstract
The mental health consequences of disasters, including oil spills, are well known. The goal of this study is
to examine whether social capital and social support mediate the effects of exposure to the Deepwater
Horizon oil spill on depression among women. Data for the analysis come from the first wave of data
collection for the Women and Their Children's Health Study, a longitudinal study of the health effects of
women exposed to the oil spill in southern Louisiana, USA. Women were interviewed about their
exposure to the oil spill, depression symptoms, structural social capital (neighborhood organization
participation), cognitive social capital (sense of community and informal social control), and social
support. Structural equation models indicated that structural social capital was associated with increased
levels of cognitive social capital, which were associated with higher levels of social support, which in
turn were associated with lower levels of depression. Physical exposure to the oil spill was associated
with greater economic exposure, which in turn was associated with higher levels of depression. When all
variables were taken into account, economic exposure was no longer associated with depression, and
social support and cognitive social capital mediated the effect of economic exposure on depression,
explaining 67% of the effect. Findings support an extension of the deterioration model of social support to
include the additional coping resource of social capital. Social capital and social support were found to be
beneficial for depression post-oil spill; however, they were themselves negatively impacted by the oil
spill, explaining the overall negative effect of the oil spill on depression. A better understanding of the
pathways between the social context and depression could lead to interventions for improved mental
health in the aftermath of a disaster.
© 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
It has been well-established that disasters impact mental health
in harmful ways (Norris et al., 2002; Gill et al., 2012). The Deep-
water Horizon oil spill, which occurred in 2010 in the Gulf of
Mexico off the coast of Louisiana, is now considered the largest
accidental marine oil spill in history. Spilling 200 million gallons of
crude oil into the Gulf of Mexico and covering 68,000 square miles
of land and sea, this technological disaster has been linked to
deleterious mental health effects (Gill et al., 2012; Grattan et al.,
2011; Fan et al., 2015; Rung et al., 2016), echoing similar findings
from earlier oil spills (Lyons et al., 1999; Palinkas et al., 1993a;
Carrasco et al., 2007; Sabucedo et al., 2010). A conceptual frame-
work for understanding how oil spills can result in poor mental
health outcomes has been proposed as a result of the Exxon Valdez
Oil Spill (Palinkas, 2012). Direct or environmental exposure to the
oil spill, through damage to areas used for commercial or recrea-
tional activities, can lead to damaging economic consequences,
both in the short term (e.g., temporary income loss) and in the long
term (e.g., sustained unemployment, extended litigation); these in
turn can impact community relations, which ultimately are
* Corresponding author.
1
Present Address: Oak Ridge Institute for Science and Education Research
Participation Program/U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Research and
Development, National Exposure Research Laboratory, Research Triangle Park, NC.
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Social Science & Medicine 177 (2017) 19e26
associated with increases in a variety of mental health disorders
(Palinkas, 2012).
Oil spills are distinct from other types of disasters in that the
acute phase usually has a much longer duration, which often results
in prolonged periods of acute distress and the development of
corrosive communities (Palinkas, 2012). These communities are
typically characterized by increased social conflict, a loss of social
connection, increased uncertainty about long-term outcomes, and
diminished trust in the ability of public institutions to mitigate
these outcomes or prevent future disasters (Palinkas, 2012), and
they provide a potential explanation for the persistent association
between oil spill disaster exposure and poor mental health. Social
support and social capital are elements of the community social
environment that may be linked with mental health outcomes.
Social support is generally defined through subtypes of
emotional, instrumental, appraisal, and informational support, and
can involve both the giving and receiving of support as well as the
simple perception of support (Berkman and Krishna, 2014). It has
long been known to be a protective factor for poor mental health,
particularly in the face of life crises such as widowhood or devel-
opment of cancer (Kessler et al., 1985; Cobb, 1976). In a disaster
context, loss of social support (e.g., deterioration in relationships
with others) six years after the Exxon Valdez oil spill was consis-
tently associated with depression, anxiety, and PTSD (Arata et al.,
2000). Similarly, lower levels of social support were found to be
associated with the most severe depressive symptoms 2e4 years
after the DHOS (Gaston et al., 2016).
While social support tends to encompass ideas of egocentric
networks at the individual level, social capital embeds these indi-
vidual social ties within a broader structure of social relationships
(Kawachi and Berkman, 2001). Various definitions of social capital
have been proposed in the literature, but most empirical studies in
public health define it as levels of trust, community participation,
and community/individual networks (Whitley and McKenzie,
2005). A further distinction of social capital is that it encom-
passes two components: structural and cognitive social capital
(Harpham et al., 2002). The structural component includes the
extent and intensity of associational links or activity (that is, what
people “do” in terms of social relations), while the cognitive
component comprises perceptions of support, reciprocity, sharing,
and trust (or what people “feel” in terms of social relations.
(Harpham et al., 2002).
Studies of social capital and mental health show evidence of an
inverse relation between cognitive social capital and common
mental disorders (De Silva et al., 2005; Ahnquist et al., 2012; Ehsan
and De Silva, 2015), while the evidence for an inverse relationship
between structural social capital and common mental disorders is
more varied, with some studies reporting an inverse relationship
and others observing no association (De Silva et al., 2005). One
large population-based study found that structural social capital
was protective for psychological distress only for men (Ahnquist
et al., 2012), while a recent review found no association between
structural social capital and depressive and anxiety disorders
(Ehsan and De Silva, 2015
).
Within a disaster context, when individuals often experience
several life stressors concurrently, it is important to understand the
mechanisms relating social capital and social support to mental
health. In contrast to the stress-buffering theory of social support,
whereby social support protects individuals from the potentially
harmful influences of stressful events (Cohen and Wills, 1985), the
social support deterioration theory emphasizes a different mech-
anism: a stressor, in this case a disaster, negatively impacts social
support (Kaniasty and Norris, 1993). For example, declines in social
support have been linked to increased exposure to the Exxon Val-
dez Oil Spill (Palinkas et al., 1993b), the 1999 flood and mudslides in
Mexico (Norris et al., 2005), and the 2004 Southeast Asian tsunami
(Arnberg and Melin, 2013). In other words, the disaster has a
negative impact on mental health both directly, through immediate
loss and trauma, and indirectly, through deterioration of social
support (Kaniasty and Norris, 1993).
Limited research has described the relationship between social
capital and mental health among disaster survivors. A study of
earthquake survivors in Peru found that cognitive social capital was
negatively associated with chronic PTSD, while structural social
capital was not (Flores et al., 2014). A study of flood-affected re-
spondents in England revealed that cognitive social capital was
related to less PTSD, anxiety, and depression, while structural social
capital was related to more anxiety (Wind et al., 2011). There have
been even fewer studies that have expressly looked at the rela-
tionship between both social capital and social support among
disaster survivors (Wind and Komproe, 2012).
Using as a framework the Social Support Deterioration Model
(Wheaton, 1985), the goal of the present study is to determine
whether 1) social support is a consequence of social capital, 2) how
exposure to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill is related to depression,
and 3) whether social support mediates the effect of oil spill
exposure on depression among women living in southern Louisi-
ana, USA, using structural equation modelling. Specifically, we hy-
pothesize that higher levels of structural social capital lead to
increased cognitive social capital, which leads to increased social
support. Higher levels of social support lead to less depression.
However, in a disaster context, greater exposure to the oil spill,
specifically its economic consequences, erodes social support, ul-
timately suppressing its beneficial impact on depression. Under-
standing the role social ties play in this relationship can help point
to interventions to mitigate the consequences of oil spill disasters.
2. Methods
2.1. Study design and population
The Women and Their Children's Health (WaTCH) Study is a
longitudinal study of women in seven southern Louisiana parishes
to assess the health effects of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill
(DHOS). Women were selected as the target population because
they represent an influential yet vulnerable and understudied
population. They are often central to decision-making processes
within families and households, particularly with respect to de-
cisions regarding health, support, diet, and child rearing; and they
have remained relatively understudied with respect to the DHOS.
Data for the present analysis were from the first wave of interviews
conducted between July 2012 and August 2014, and women were
interviewed on average 3.1 years (SD 0.38) after the oil spill. Details
of the study are presented elsewhere (Rung et al., 2016; Peres et al.,
2016). Briefly, women were randomly recruited through an
address-based sampling frame. Women were eligible to participate
if they were between 18 and 80 years old and lived in the study area
at the time of the oil spill. Subjects were administered a 60-min
computer-assisted telephone interview, comprised of questions
on medical, social, emotional, and behavioral domains. Study data
were collected and managed using Research Electronic Data Cap-
ture (REDCap) electronic data capture tools (Harris et al., 2009).
2852 women completed the telephone interview. The response
rate, as defined by the American Association for Public Opinion
Research, was 45% (AAPOR, 2011). The study was approved by the
Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center institutional re-
view board.
A.L. Rung et al. / Social Science & Medicine 177 (2017) 19e2620
3. Measures
3.1. Depression
Depressive symptomology was assessed with the validated 20-
item Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression (CESD) Scale
(Radloff, 1977). Internal consistency for the whole scale was good.
Depressive symptoms were modelled as a single latent variable
consisting of four factors that had been previously identified
(Knight et al., 1997): depressed affect (Cronbach's alpha ¼ 0.90),
somatic (Cronbach's alpha ¼ 0.83), positive affect (Cronbach's
alpha ¼ 0.80), and interpersonal (Cronbach's alpha ¼ 0.69). Cron-
bach's alpha for the overall scale was 0.93. Higher scores indicate
more depressive symptoms. The measurement model had good fit
(
c
2
(2) ¼ 5.899, p < 0.0524, RMSEA ¼ 0.026 (0.000e 0.052),
CFI ¼ 0.999, TLI ¼ 0.998).
3.2. Oil spill exposure
Exposure to the oil spill was measured using nine self-reported
items with a yes/no or dichotomous format (see Table 2) that had
been used in a previous study (Rung et al., 2016). It was modelled as
two latent variables identified through confirmatory factor anal-
ysis: physical exposure (6 items) and economic exposure (3 items).
Examples of physical exposure included “Oil spill caused damage to
areas fished commercially” and “Oil spill directly affected recrea-
tional activities of household.” An example of economic exposure
included “Lost household income due to employment disruption
because of oil spill.” Higher scores indicated greater oil spill expo-
sure. Cronbach's alphas were 0.51 and 0.56 for physical and eco-
nomic exposure, respectively. The measurement model had good fit
(
c
2
(26) ¼ 116.105, p < 0.0001, RMSEA ¼ 0.035 (0.029e0.041),
CFI ¼ 0.969, TLI ¼ 0.957.
3.3. Structural social capital
Structural social capital was measured with nine items (see
Table 2) using a yes/no response format assessing women's
participation in nine different kinds of neighborhood organizations
over the past year (Sastry et al., 2006). Example organizations
included neighborhood meetings, business groups, and book clubs.
Cronbach's alpha was 0.69. Structural social capital was modelled
as a single latent variable with 9 items. Higher scores indicated
greater structural social capital. The measurement model had good
fit(
c
2
(27) ¼ 56.963, p < 0.0007, RMSEA ¼ 0.020 (0.013e0.027),
CFI ¼ 0.992, TLI ¼ 0.989).
3.4. Cognitive social capital
Cognitive social capital was modelled as a single latent variable
derived from two scales: the Sense of Community Index (Chavis
et al., 1987) (12 items) and informal social control (Sampson
et al., 1997) (5 items) (see Table 2). For sense of community, sub-
jects were asked to indicate if statements were “mostly true” or
“mostly false.” Example statements included “I think my neigh-
borhood is a good place for me to live” and “I can recognize most of
the people who live in my neighborhood.” Cronbach's alpha was
0.80. For informal social control, subjects were asked about the
likelihood (very likely, likely, neither likely nor unlikely, unlikely, or
very unlikely) that their neighbors could be counted on to inter-
vene in various ways, including if children were skipping school
and hanging out on a street corner, or if children were spray-
painting graffiti on a local building. Responses of likely or very
likely were considered to have higher informal social control.
Cronbach's alpha was 0.82. Higher scores on both scales indicated
higher levels of cognitive social capital.
3.5. Social support
Social support was modelled as a single latent variable (6 items
with a yes/no response format) derived from items developed for
the study to measure emotional, instrumental, appraisal, and
informational support (see Table 2). Subjects were asked if there
was anyone among their friends, family, acquaintances and
neighbors they could count on for things like everyday favors or if
there was someone they could talk to if they were having trouble
with family relationships. Cronbach's alpha was 0.76. Higher scores
indicated higher levels of social support. The measurement model
had adequate fit(
c
2
(9) ¼ 25.119, p < 0.0028, RMSEA ¼ 0.025
(0.014e0.037), CFI ¼ 0.997, TLI ¼ 0.995).
3.6. Unemployment
Unemployment was measured as a single indicator variable
asking subjects whether they were currently employed.
3.7. Analysis
Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to measure latent
constructs and to describe how these constructs are related to each
other. Analyses were conducted in Mplus (v7.2) (Muth
en and
Muth
en, 2015). SEM estimates the extent to which the theoretical
model is supported by sample data. Confirmatory factor analysis
measurement models were constructed for the unobserved con-
structs of oil spill exposure, structural social capital, cognitive social
capital, social support, and depression. To test our hypothesis, we
developed structural models to examine 1) the relationship be-
tween structural social capital, cognitive social capital, and social
support; 2) how physical oil spill exposure affects economic oil spill
exposure and current unemployment; and 3) whether social sup-
port mediates the effect of oil spill exposure on depression. This
third objective is based on the social support deterioration theory
(Kaniasty and Norris, 1993) that states that stressors, in this case
exposure to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, erode social support,
which negatively impacts well-being (i.e., depression). We
expanded this theoretical model to include social capital as an
additional coping resource that could be negatively impacted by
the oil spill. Model fit was assessed through examination of the chi-
square test of model fit, the comparative fit index (CFI), the Tucker
Lewis Index (TLI), and the root mean square error of approximation
(RMSEA). A CFI/TLI of 0.95 or greater and a RMSEA of 0.05 or lower
were considered guidelines of good model fit(Schumacker and
Lomax, 2010). We assessed mediation by testing for direct and in-
direct effects between depression and 1) economic exposure, 2)
physical exposure, 3) structural social capital, and 4) cognitive so-
cial capital. We also assessed direct and indirect effects between
social support and structural social capital. Mplus uses the delta
method to examine mediation (Muth
en and Muth
en, 2015). We
made adjustments to the model by removing non-significant paths
and adding paths suggested by the modification indices until we
arrived at a final model with more acceptable fit. The total sample
size for the analysis was 2852 women, and complete data were
available for 20 03 women. Mplus accounts for missing data using
Direct ML estimation (Muth
en and Muth
en, 2015). The minimum
coverage of any missing data pattern was 0.845. The extent of
missing data for each variable is shown in Tables 1 and 2.
A.L. Rung et al. / Social Science & Medicine 177 (2017) 19e26 21
4. Results
4.1. Participant characteristics
Table 1 presents characteristics of the WaTCH participants.
Among the 2852 women, the mean age was 45.7 years (SD 12.04).
The majority of women had graduated high school but not college
(59%), were non-Hispanic White (55%), and were married or living
with a partner (63%). Pre-oil spill household income was relatively
evenly distributed among the four income groups, and 41% of
women were currently unemployed. The average CESD score was
11.8 (SD 12.46). Using the standard cutoff of 16, over 28% of the
women in the sample had depressive symptoms severe enough to
warrant clinical intervention (not shown). Table 2 shows the
characteristics and factor loadings for each latent variable, all of
which were significant (p < 0.0001).
4.2. Structural models
The hypothesized structural model is presented in Fig. 1. This
model had adequate fit(
c
2
(425) ¼ 1412.647, p < 0.0001,
RMSEA ¼ 0.029 (0.027e0.030), CFI ¼ 0.934, TLI ¼ 0.928), but
modification indices suggested the addition of four more paths:
from physical exposure to structural social capital, economic con-
sequences to cognitive social capital, and unemployment to both
structural social capital and social support. These modifications
went into the next model (Fig. 2), which had better fit
(
c
2
(421) ¼ 1097.382, p < 0.0001, RMSEA ¼ 0.024 (0.022e0.025),
CFI ¼ 0.955, TLI ¼ 0.950) and was therefore retained as the final
model.
Table 3 shows a summary of the total, direct, and indirect effects
on depression for our final model. The total and indirect effects of
economic consequences of the DHOS on depression were signifi-
cant, while the direct effects were not. Speci fically, social support
and cognitive social capital (though not unemployment) explain
71% of the effect of economic exposure on depression, suggesting
that the economic exposure-depression relationship is completely
mediated by social support and cognitive social capital. Cognitive
social capital is negatively associated with depression; when social
support is introduced as a mediator, the effect decreases, though
still remains significant. Specifically, cognitive social capital has a
direct effect on depression, and 27% of the effect is explained by the
indirect path through social support. Physical exposure to the DHOS
is positively associated with depression, but once the mediators of
economic exposure, unemployment, cognitive social capital,
structural social capital, and social support are considered, this
effect is reduced though still significant, suggesting that these
variables partially mediate the effect of physical exposure to the oil
spill on depression (31% of the effect is explained by these
variables).
5. Discussion
This study examined the relationships among exposure to the
Deepwater Horizon oil spill, social capital, social support, and
depression in women living in southern Louisiana. We observe that
structural social capital, in the form of neighborhood organization
participation is associated with higher cognitive social capital,
which is also associated with increased social support. We also find
that higher levels of both cognitive social capital and social support
are protective against depression.
Although few studies have attempted to distinguish between
cognitive and structural social capital, our findings are consistent
with those that have observed cognitive social capital to be more
strongly associated with depression than structural social capital.
For example, Harpham and colleagues showed that among
Colombian youth, cognitive social capital (in the form of trust in
people) was weakly associated with mental health, while structural
social capital (group participation) was not associated at all
(Harpham et al., 2004). Similarly, Ahnquist found that among
Swedish women, structural social capital (in the form of social
participation) appeared less important to psychological distress
than cognitive social capital (in the form of interpersonal trust), and
those associations disappeared altogether once economic hardship
was added to the model (Ahnquist et al., 2012). Conversely, Berry
found that both structural (community participation) and cognitive
(personal social cohesion) social capital were related to better
general mental health in a nationally representative Australian
study (Berry and Welsh, 2010). None of these studies, however,
looked at social capital in the context of an oil spill or other disaster,
making the results of the present study particularly instructive.
While it has been suggested that the cognitive aspects of social
capital are more closely related to mental health than the structural
aspects (Harpham et al., 2004), our findings suggest that the
cognitive aspects of social capital may actually be a consequence of
the structural aspects, as hypothesized earlier by Engstr
€
om
(
Engstr
€
om et al., 2008). Structural social capital in our model is
more distally located from depression and appears to operate pri-
marily through its effect on cognitive social capital and social
support, offering one possible explanation for why its relationship
with depression is weaker.
We also observe a positive relationship from physical exposure
to the DHOS to economic exposure, suggesting that more direct,
physical contact with the oil spill leads to subsequent economic
consequences. Total effects suggest that economic consequences
lead to increased levels of depression, but significant indirect ef-
fects suggest an intervening pathway. While unemployment is
associated with increased levels of depression, economic exposure
does not appear to be related to increased levels of unemployment.
It is possible that other factors in the economy account for un-
employment's effect on depression.
Other studies of the DHOS have found associations between oil
spill exposure, economic loss, and poor mental health outcomes.
For example, Grattan et al. observed that greater oil spill-associated
income loss was associated with greater depression, anxiety, and
Table 1
Participant characteristics of WaTCH study sample, N ¼ 2852.
Characteristic N (%)
Education
Less than high school 327 (11.8)
High school graduate 1649 (59.3)
College or higher 804 (28.9)
Pre-Oil Spill Annual Household Income
Less than $20,000/yr 645 (24.9)
$20,000 - $50,000/yr 763 (29.5)
$50,000 - $80,000/yr 545 (21.1)
Over $80,000/yr 636 (24.6)
Race/Ethnicity
Non-Hispanic White 1522 (54.6)
Non-Hispanic African American or Black 945 (33.9)
Hispanic/more than one race/other 319 (11.5)
Marital Status
Married/living with partner 1785 (62.7)
Widowed/divorced/separated/never married 1063 (37.3)
Current Unemployment
Yes 1081 (40.9)
No 1562 (59.1)
Age, years (mean ± SD) 45.7 ± 12.04
Depression (CESD) Score (mean ± SD) 11.8 ± 12.46
Missing data: Education (n ¼ 72); income (n ¼ 263); race (n ¼ 155); marital status
(n ¼ 4); current unemployment (n ¼ 209); depression (n ¼ 122).
A.L. Rung et al. / Social Science & Medicine 177 (2017) 19e2622
other mental health consequences (Grattan et al., 2011). In addition,
Gill et al. reported that Alabama residents with greater exposure to
the oil, greater economic loss, and commercial ties to natural re-
sources also experienced high levels of psychological distress (Gill
et al., 2012). Our study shows that unemployment is indeed
related to higher levels of depression, although we are unable to
link unemployment back to oil spill exposure.
We find that both cognitive social capital and social support
were mediators for the oil spill exposure-depression relationship.
That is, the impact of economic consequences of exposure to the
DHOS on depression is explained by its negative impact on both
cognitive social capital and social support. These results fitwell
with the deterioration model of social support, which suggests that
a stressor (e.g., disaster) erodes coping resources (e.g., social sup-
port), which accounts for the resulting impact the stressor has on
well-being (e.g., depression) (Kaniasty and Norris, 1993; Wheaton,
1985). Findings from the present study extend this deterioration
model to include the additional coping resource of cognitive social
capital. We find that the stressor, economic consequences stem-
ming from the DHOS, erodes both cognitive social capital and social
support, which in the absence of the stressor would normally have
a beneficial effect on depression. In other words, the detrimental
effect of economic exposure on depression is explained almost
entirely (67%) by economic exposure's detrimental impact on social
resources. These results provide another example of the corrosive
communities that result from oil spills. Environmental disasters
give rise to a loss of natural resources, which may be particularly
relevant for people who rely on them for recreational or subsis-
tence activities that bring social groups together (Palinkas, 2012).
Moreover, there often is an unequal distribution of economic im-
pacts and availability of clean-up employment or other resources
that lead to social disparities within a community, leading to
increased social conflict and reduced social support (Palinkas,
2012). Indeed, research on the post-DHOS compensation process
suggests that perceptions of randomness and lack of transparency
in the distribution of claims resulted in negative social comparisons
and competition that led to a corrosive effect in the community
(Mayer et al., 2015). Such characteristics of corrosive communities
may explain why we observe a negative impact of the oil spill on
cognitive social capital and social support.
Similar findings were observed after a severe 1981 flood in
Kentucky. Using structural equation modeling with a longitudinal
design, Kaniasty et al. found that social support, as embodied by
social embeddedness and non-kin support, was impaired by the
flood, which ultimately accounted for the increase in disaster-
related depressive symptoms (Kaniasty and Norris, 1993). While
several studies have demonstrated inverse relationships between
disaster stressors and social support, theirs was among the first to
support the utility of the social support deterioration model in
describing how environmental stress may operate to affect psy-
chological health.
Of interest is the positive relationship we find between physical
exposure to the oil spill and increased structural social capital. In
contrast to the corrosive communities described above (Palinkas,
Table 2
Characteristics and factor loadings for measurement models, N ¼ 2852.
Construct and indicators Missing
data
N (%) Standardized
loading
Number on
figure
Physical exposure to the oil spill
Oil spill caused damage to areas fished commercially 19 195 (6.8) 0.72 1
Any smell exposure 142 1016 (37.5) 0.55 2
Worked on any oil spill clean-up activities 0 55 (1.9) 0.43 3
Came into physical contact with oil in other ways (e.g., during home, recreation, hunting, fishing, or other
activities)
28 624 (22.1) 0.59 4
Oil spill directly affected recreational hunting/fishing/other activities of household 20 972 (34.3) 0.72 5
Any property lost or damaged due to oil spill or clean-up 4 72 (2.5) 0.70 6
Economic exposure to the oil spill
Lost HH income due to employment disruption/closing of business because of oil spill 11 743 (26.2) 0.76 7
Hit harder by oil spill compared to others in community 62 167 (6.0) 0.68 8
Oil spill had somewhat or very negative influence on HH financial situation 44 1064 (37.8) 0.85 9
Structural social capital
Neighborhood or block organization meeting 45 552 (19.7) 0.58 10
Business or civic group 44 412 (14.7) 0.79 11
Nationality or ethnic pride group 45 102 (3.6) 0.73 12
Local or state political organization 44 289 (10.3) 0.73 13
Volunteered in a local organization 44 1020 (36.3) 0.81 14
Veteran's group 44 173 (6.2) 0.47 15
Labor union 44 55 (2.0) 0.56 16
Literary, art, study, book club, or discussion group 45 469 (16.7) 0.64 17
Fraternity, sorority, or alumni group 44 264 (9.4) 0.67 18
Cognitive social capital
Sense of community scale (mean ± SD) 331 9.6 ± 2.56 0.90 19
Informal social control scale (mean ± SD) 218 16.8 ± 3.17 0.64 20
Social support
Received social support 62 2307 (82.7) 0.66 21
Provide everyday favors 36 2323 (82.5) 0.80 22
Take care if sick 55 2517 (90.0) 0.70 23
Lend money for medical emergency 69 2056 (73.9) 0.86 24
Talk about relationship troubles 38 2577 (91.6) 0.80 25
Locate housing if had to move 89 2203 (79.7) 0.87 26
Depressive symptoms 122
Depressed affect (mean ± SD) 74 3.4 ± 4.95 0.83 27
Positive affect (mean ± SD) 81 2.4 ± 3.15 0.71 28
Somatic activity (mean ± SD) 81 5.4 ± 5.15 0.85 29
Interpersonal (mean ± SD) 87 0.6 ± 1.28 0.56 30
Note: All factor loadings significant at p < 0.0001.
A.L. Rung et al. / Social Science & Medicine 177 (2017) 19e26 23
2012), it is possible that “therapeutic communities” among the
already tight-knit communities of the Louisiana Gulf Coast have
developed as well, similar to a phenomenon observed following
Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. There, citizens came together to
provide mutual support to confront common problems faced dur-
ing recovery (Weil, 2010). Our results show a similar relationship, in
that greater physical exposure to the oil spill was associated with
increased participation in neighborhood organizations. The fact
that the two types of oil spill exposure (physical and economic)
each affect the two forms of social capital (structural and cognitive)
in opposite directions underscores the need to differentiate each
construct when examining these complex relationships.
Fig. 1. Hypothesized structural model for oil spill exposure, social capital, social support, and depression.
Fig. 2. Final structural model for oil spill exposure, social capital, social support, and depression.
Table 3
Total, direct, and indirect effects on depression for final structural model, N ¼ 2852.
Total Effect Direct Effect Indirect Effect % of Effect mediated (Indirect/Total)
Est SE Est SE Est SE
Economic consequences of DHOS
a
0.13 0.04 ** 0.04 0.04 0.10 0.02 ** 71%
Cognitive social capital
b
0.36 0.02 ** 0.27 0.02 ** 0.10 0.01 ** 27%
Physical exposure to DHOS
c
0.18 0.03 ** 0.12 0.04 * 0.06 0.03 * 31%
yp < 0.10; *p < 0.05; **p < 0.005.
a
Relationship between economic consequences and depression mediated by unemployment, cognitive social capital, and social support.
b
Relationship between cognitive social capital and depression mediated by social support.
c
Relationship between physical exposure and depression mediated by economic consequences, unemployment, cognitive social capital, structural social capital, and social
support.
A.L. Rung et al. / Social Science & Medicine 177 (2017) 19e2624
While several studies have demonstrated relationships between
disaster stressors and mental health (Gill et al., 2012; Grattan et al.,
2011; Fan et al., 2015; Rung et al., 2016; Lyons et al., 1999; Palinkas
et al., 1993a; Carrasco et al., 2007; Sabucedo et al., 2010) and inverse
relationships between disaster stressors and social support
(Palinkas et al., 1993b; Norris et al., 2005; Arnberg and Melin, 2013 ),
few studies have explicitly looked at the role of social capital in
these relationships or studied them in the context of an oil spill. A
strength of this study is its ability to distinguish between different
forms of social capital as well as different expressions of exposure
to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the context of a large sample of
women within a geographic setting that is particularly vulnerable
to disasters.
The study does have a number of limitations. First, it uses self-
reported cross-sectional data, precluding our ability to defini-
tively rule out reverse causation. Related to this are the difficulties
in directly attributing depression and available social support to the
oil spill, as some time had passed since the beginning of the spill.
On the one hand, it is possible that depressive symptoms arising
from oil spill exposure were much greater earlier on, as perhaps
were levels of social capital and social support due to insufficient
time for deterioration; this lack of temporal distinction impacts our
ability to accurately assess the magnitude of the different domains
under study and potentially biases our results towards the null.
Longitudinal analyses are an important next step. Second, we are
only able to generalize to women living in southern Louisiana at the
time of the DHOS; results may not apply to men. Finally, social
capital was operationalized at the individual level, resulting in
perceptions of social capital by subjects rather than a true collective
phenomenon that exists at the neighborhood level.
6. Conclusion
Social capital and social support are coping resources that were
found to be beneficial for depression post-disaster. However, they
were themselves negatively impacted by the Deepwater Horizon
oil spill, explaining the overall negative effect of the oil spill on
depression. The findings suggest that social resources are not
immutable and can be harmed by disasters, ultimately influencing
a population's level of depression. Future research should explore
whether these relationships hold over the long term and with other
mental health outcomes. A better understanding of the pathways
between the social context and depression could lead to in-
terventions for improved mental health in the aftermath of a
disaster.
Funding
This research was supported by the National Institute of Envi-
ronmental Health Sciences, National Institutes of Health (grant
1U01ES021497) and Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration (grant 3U01ES0214 97-03S1).
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to thank the Women and Their Children's
Health (WaTCH) Study participants and research staff.
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