InternatIonal Monetary Fund
Middle East and Central Asia Department
Toward New Horizons
Arab Economic Transformation Amid Political Transitions
Prepared by a staff team led by Harald Finger and Daniela Gressani,
comprising Khaled Abdelkader, Khalid AlSaeed, Alberto Behar, Sami Ben Naceur,
Christine Ebrahimzadeh, Asmaa El-Ganainy, Samar Maziad, Aiko Mineshima,
Pritha Mitra, Preya Sharma, Charalambos Tsangarides, and Zeine Zeidane
Toward New Horizons
Arab Economic Transformation Amid Political Transitions
Middle East and Central Asia Department
Prepared by a staff team led by Harald Finger and Daniela Gressani,
comprising Khaled Abdelkader, Khalid AlSaeed, Alberto Behar, Sami Ben Naceur,
Christine Ebrahimzadeh, Asmaa El-Ganainy, Samar Maziad, Aiko Mineshima,
Pritha Mitra, Preya Sharma, Charalambos Tsangarides, and Zeine Zeidane
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND
© 2014 International Monetary Fund
Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Joint Bank-Fund Library
Toward new horizons: Arab economic transformation amid political
transitions / prepared by a staff team led by Harald Finger and
Daniela Gressani comprising Khaled Abdelkader [and eleven
others]. – Washington, D.C. : International Monetary Fund, c2014.
“Middle East and Central Asia Department.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 978-48431-146-2
1. Economic development—Arab countries. 2. Arab countries—
Economic policy. 3. Fiscal policy—Arab countries. 4. Monetary
policy—Arab countries. 5. Foreign exchange rates—Arab countries.
I. Finger, Harald. II. Gressani, Daniela, 1956– III. Abdelkader,
Khaled. IV. International Monetary Fund. V. International Monetary
Fund. Middle East and Central Asia Department.
HC498.A73 2014
Disclaimer: The views expressed herein are those of the authors and
should not be reported as or attributed to the International Monetary
Fund, its Executive Board, or the governments of any of its member
countries.
Please send orders to:
International Monetary Fund, Publication Services
P.O. Box 92780, Washington, DC 20090, U.S.A.
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Internet: www.imfbookstore.org
iii
Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Preface ix
1. Introduction and Summary 1
2. Tackling Fiscal Challenges 8
3. Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy for Stability, Growth,
and Jobs 29
4. Bolstering Financial Stability and Development 40
5. Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–Led Growth 61
6. Managing Economic Change During the Transitions 83
References 97
Boxes
Box 2.1. Mixed Public Views on Cutting Energy Subsidies 16
Box 2.2. Progress on Decentralization 21
Box 2.3. Tax Potential and Revenue Gaps in Non-Oil ACTs 24
Box 6.1. A Stylized Approach to Building Coalitions 89
Box 6.2. Continuing Need for Stepped-Up Donor Support 93
Box 6.3. Lessons from the Arab Transitions for the IMF 94
Figures
Figure 2.1. Fiscal Positions Have Deteriorated 9
Figure 2.2. Subsidies, Transfers, and Wages Were Raised 9
Figure 2.3. Crowding Out of Private Sector Credit, 2010–13 10
Figure 2.4. Government Finances 11
Figure 2.5. A 5 Percent of GDP Increase in Public Investment
Would Signi cantly Impact Growth and Employment 13
Figure 2.6. High Public Wage Bills 14
Figure 2.7. High Public Wages Tend to Raise Inequality 15
Figure 2.8. Large Variation in the Quality of Public Investment Management
18
CONTENTS
iv
Figure 2.9. Scope for Additional Revenue Collection
22
Figure 2.10. Scope for Raising Property and Excise Tax Rates
28
Figure 3.1. Signi cant Macroeconomic Impacts from the
Political Transitions
30
Figure 3.2. External Developments
31
Figure 3.3. International Reserves Have Dropped Since the Onset
of the Transition
32
Figure 3.4. In ation in Most ACTs Has Remained below the Emerging
Market Average
33
Figure 3.5. Real Effective Exchange Rates Have Appreciated in Some ACTs
Figure 3.6. Real and Nominal Volatility, 2000–12
36
Figure 4.1. Bank Credit is Large in Most ACTs
40
Figure 4.2. Few Firms Use Bank Credit to Finance Investments
41
Figure 4.3. Relatively Few People in the ACTs Maintain Bank Accounts
42
Figure 4.4. Access to Finance is a Major Constraint
42
Figure 4.5. Nonperforming Loans are High
43
Figure 4.6. ACTs Rank Last in Legal Rights
43
Figure 4.7. Bank Concentration is High
44
Figure 4.8. Government Debt Markets Remain Underdeveloped
44
Figure 4.9. Stock Markets are Large in Some ACTs
45
Figure 4.10. Private Institutional Investors are Lacking in Some Countries
46
Figure 4.11. Potential for Developing the Investor Base
51
Figure 4.12. Global Assets of Islamic Finance Have Grown
55
Figure 5.1. Lagging Growth and High Unemployment
62
Figure 5.2. More Investment is Needed to Support Growth
62
Figure 5.3. Large Potential for Higher Exports
64
Figure 5.4. Strong Trade Links with Europe
64
Figure 5.5. Signi cant Trade Barriers
65
Figure 5.6. Intraregional Share of Exports and Stock of Foreign Direct
Investment
65
Figure 5.7. Improvements from Trade Facilitation in Morocco
67
Figure 5.8. Business Licensing and Permits are Major Constraints
68
Figure 5.9. Governance and Corruption are Increasingly Serious
Concerns
69
Figure 5.10. Doing Business Rankings Improve with Income
70
Figure 5.11. Doing Business Reform Efforts Have Been Set Back
70
Figure 5.12. Excess Labor Regulations and Education Mismatches
72
34
Contents
v
Figure 5.13. Large Total and Youth Unemployment
72
Figure 5.14. The Public Sector is a Large Employer in MENA
74
Figure 5.15. Government is the Preferred Employer for Arab Youth
74
Figure 5.16. Rural Poverty is Signi cant
77
Figure 5.17. Many People are Vulnerable to Falling into Poverty
77
Figure 5.18. Social Safety Nets are Small
78
Figure 5.19. Social Safety Net Coverage is Limited
79
Figure 5.20. Limited Awareness of Social Safety Nets in the Lowest
Income Quintile
79
Figure 6.1. Political Risk Has Increased
84
Figure 6.2. Perception of Arab Youth about Direction of the Economy
85
Figure 6.3. Rule of Law Ranking Shows Room for Improvement
86
Figure 6.4. Government Effectiveness Has Suffered in Most ACTs
87
Tables
Table 2.1. Room for Improvement in Tax Effort and
VAT Collection Ef ciency
22
Table 2.2. Non-Oil ACTs: Base Broadening Recommendations
26
Table 2.3. Scope for More Income Tax Progressivity
27
Table 3.1. Structural and Exchange Rate Characteristics
33
Table 5.1. Poverty Remains an Important Concern
77
Table 6.1. Strong Use of Social Networks for Political and Community Views
91
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vii
Acknowledgments
The paper is the outcome of an interdepartmental project of the IMF’s
Middle East and Central Asia Department with the Communications, Fiscal
Affairs, Monetary and Capital Markets, Research, and Strategy, Policy, and
Review Departments.
The authors would like to thank Masood Ahmed, Director of the Middle
East and Central Asia Department, for his guidance and comments. They are
also thankful for advice and support in coordination from Prakash Loungani,
David Marston, Marco Pinon, Christoph Rosenberg, and Abdel Senhadji; and
for guidance on political economy issues from Raj Desai.
Thanks are also due to Yasser Abdih, Abdul Malik Al-Jaber, Nabil Ben Ltaifa,
Ralph Chami, Jean-François Dauphin, Shantayanan Devarajan, Ishac Diwan,
Gilda Fernandez, Edward Gemayel, Christopher Jarvis, Juha Kähkönen,
Alfred Kammer, Kristina Kostial, Inutu Lukonga, Amine Mati, Tokhir
Mirzoev, Eric Mottu, Gaelle Pierre, Bjoern Rother, Randa Sab, Nasser Saidi,
Hossein Samiei, Carlo Sdralevich, Gazi Shbaikat, Natalia Tamirisa, Shahid
Yusuf, and Younes Zouhar for providing comments at various stages of
drafting the paper.
Special thanks are due to Gohar Abajyan and Jaime Espinosa-Bowen for their
research assistance, Kia Penso for her editorial contributions, Cecilia Prado
de Guzman for assistance with formatting and document preparation, and
Joanne Johnson and Katy Whipple for editorial guidance and production
support.
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ix
Preface
The transformations in the Arab world that began three years ago had their roots not
only in demands for more voice and participation but also in a growing frustration with
the economic environment where job opportunities were few and connections seemed
to be more important than merit in accessing the gains from economic growth. Since
then, governments in these countries have been pursuing country-speci c agendas of
political and constitutional reform, but they have also had to grapple with heightened
macroeconomic vulnerabilities, the effect, in part, of a worsening international, regional,
and domestic environment on private sector con dence and growth. The near-term
economic outlook continues to be challenging and subject to downside risk, and so the
focus on maintaining macroeconomic stability will remain a key priority for the coming year.
However, it is also important for these governments to embark on the bold reform
agendas that will make for more dynamic and inclusive economies, generate more
jobs, and provide equal access to economic opportunity for all segments of society.
Unless strong economic and nancial reforms are implemented, a gradual economic
recovery will not be enough to bring a meaningful reduction in the regions high rates of
unemployment in coming years, particularly among women and youth.
Realizing the economic potential of the Arab Countries in Transition lies rst and
foremost in the hands of countries’ governments. But the international community,
including the IMF, can help. With the bene t of hindsight, it has become clear that
in past years we paid insuf cient attention to growing socioeconomic imbalances and
unequal access to economic opportunity. The Arab transitions have thus prompted us
to step back and rethink our approach to economic policy recommendations for the
countries undergoing transition. While we have been actively engaged in all transitioning
countries, with a focus on macroeconomic stabilization and policies in support of
economic development, we have to date not laid out our comprehensive view on
the macroeconomic and structural policies that we see as essential for safeguarding
macroeconomic stability and putting in place the right conditions for high, sustainable,
and inclusive growth. This publication attempts to ll that gap and to provide our
intellectual contribution to the ongoing discussion on setting the right policies in the
Arab Countries in Transition.
In this spirit, I hope that this publication will be of use for policymakers and other
stakeholders in the countries undergoing transition, and for the international community
that supports them, in order to enable an economic transformation that will respond to
the hopes and aspirations of their young and dynamic population.
Masood Ahmed
Director, Middle East and Central Asia Department
International Monetary Fund
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1
CHAPTER
Introduction and Summary
The political transitions in the Arab world have created an opportunity
for economic transformation. The political landscape is changing and new
stakeholders have become active, while old vested interests standing in the
way of reform may have been weakened. This setting provides a historic
opportunity to rethink the economic reform agenda and tackle longstanding
economic issues that were previously dif cult to approach.
Nevertheless, three years after the onset of political transition in the Arab
world, managing the transitions and implementing necessary economic
policies has proven to be challenging. The Arab Countries in Transition
(ACTs), including countries that have undergone regime change (Egypt,
Libya, Tunisia, Yemen) and those that have engaged in transformation under
existing regimes ( Jordan, Morocco), have progressed along their transition
paths. Governments with limited horizons and mandates, institutional
uncertainty, and socioeconomic tensions have been hindering, to varying degrees
across countries, the focus on the economic transformation agenda. At the
same time, challenges in economic management have intensi ed, as external
and domestic economic conditions have been complex, policy buffers are
running low, and economic growth is insuf cient to bring down the ACTs’
high unemployment. In this setting, countries are at a critical juncture: prudent
economic management, paired with bold reform efforts to create an enabling
environment for private sector–led growth, will be needed to safeguard the
promise of the Arab transitions for better living conditions, higher and more
inclusive growth, and job creation on a meaningful scale.
The ACTs have been facing a number of longstanding economic challenges.
Well before the beginning of the transitions in 2011 in economic growth
per capita and integration into the world economy they were lagging behind
other emerging market and developing countries (EMDCs), and there was
a perceived lack of competition in domestic markets. Unemployment in the
ACTs was high, running at more than double the average rate of EMDCs,
and youth unemployment was among the highest in the world. There was a
1
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
2
widespread perception that the bene ts of growth were chie y captured by
the well-connected, while others felt marginalized. Many countries carried
substantial public debt, and some were running high scal de cits. The ACTs’
tendency to limit movements in their exchange rates helped provide an anchor
for in ation but also constituted an important source of vulnerability.
The private sector has lacked the dynamism needed for sustained job-
creating growth. It has been sti ed by government intervention: complex
and burdensome business regulation has constrained economic activity
and enabled corruption; state-owned enterprises and public banks have
often been dominant players in their sectors but have tended to operate
inef ciently, leading to scal slippages and capital misallocation; and lack of
a level playing eld between public and private enterprises, as well as among
private enterprises, has limited competition and innovation. Perceptions of
government effectiveness and control of corruption have been deteriorating
over time, and governments have been unable to create the infrastructure
needed to support a dynamic economy. As a consequence, competitiveness
has suffered. Where reforms were initiated, their top-down approach
has often meant that the resulting economic bene ts went largely to the
well-connected without generating tangible bene ts for most people—in
particular, without creating formal sector jobs or improving living standards.
Shortcomings in access to nance, trade integration, infrastructure
investment, and the labor market and education system have also hampered
private sector–led growth. Access to nance by businesses has been among
the lowest in the world, constraining private investment. A lack of trade
integration (and supporting policies) has meant that the region’s exports
have been far below their potential. Inadequate labor regulations have been
disincentives to private sector hiring, while the public sector has often taken
the role of employer of rst and last resort—a role that has distorted the
labor market and education system, and one that governments can no longer
afford to play. In addition, ACTs, like other countries in the MENA region
more generally, have maintained large generalized subsidies as their main
vehicle for social protection. These subsidies are inef cient—their bene ts
accrue disproportionately to the wealthy—and they tie up scarce resources
that could be used for much-needed priority expenditure in areas like
infrastructure investment, health, and education.
These problems have become more acute since the onset of transitions in
2011, as popular expectations for better living standards have risen. The
ACTs have been faced with an economic downturn resulting from transition-
related disruptions, regional con ict, an unclear political outlook, eroding
competitiveness, a challenging external economic environment in the context
of the European crisis, and declining con dence. This downturn has worsened
the unemployment problem and led to stagnating living standards, and may
have reduced the medium-term growth potential in some countries, putting
Introduction and Summary
3
economic realities squarely at odds with the aspirations of the population
for an economic transformation that would provide quick returns in the form
of job creation and income generation. Demographic pressures suggest that,
under current baseline projections for GDP growth through 2018 of around
4¼ percent in the oil-importing ACTs, unemployment is expected to continue
rising. At the same time, scal de cits and public debt have further increased,
and international reserve buffers have been run down, severely limiting the
policy space for expansionary economic policies in the period ahead.
In this setting, the ACTs risk getting trapped in a vicious circle of economic
stagnation and persistent sociopolitical strife. As economic realities fall behind
populations’ expectations, there is a risk of increased discontent, which could
further complicate the political transitions, impairing governments’ mandates
and planning horizons and, consequently, their ability to implement the
policies necessary to catalyze the much-needed economic improvement.
The political transitions have thus created not only new opportunities for
economic transformation but also the necessity to accelerate economic
reform. Strong economic management, and policies to bolster the business
environment, are needed to avoid a vicious circle and create in its place
a virtuous one where the right policies revive economic con dence and
generate inclusive economic growth. Better economic conditions can then
help reduce discontent and thereby smooth the political transitions.
The ACTs need a medium-term vision to set policies for their economic
future. Goals will differ among countries, re ecting their citizens’ aspirations;
but in all countries they need to be framed in an economic model that
provides a more level playing eld, allows for greater integration into the
global economy, and creates an environment in which a dynamic private
sector can drive growth and create suf cient jobs for a growing labor force,
while governments provide adequate infrastructure and regulation, along with
basic services and targeted social protection.
At this critical juncture, three economic policy priorities are essential: enabling
additional job creation in the near term to lessen the risk of a vicious circle;
addressing macroeconomic vulnerabilities to safeguard economic stability; and
setting in motion necessary reforms to generate higher potential growth and
job creation in the coming years.
Near-term policies need to focus on quickly enabling job creation in order
to lessen the adverse impact of the post-Arab-Spring economic downturns.
Delays in the revival of private investment, in the context of impaired
economic con dence, indicate a need for governments to shore up economic
activity in the near term. Experience from other countries suggests that well-
designed infrastructure projects can create jobs and lay a better foundation for
private sector activity. With little room for further widening of scal de cits
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
4
in many countries, spending needs to be reoriented toward growth-enhancing
and job-creating public investment that stimulates private sector activity,
while protecting vulnerable groups through well-targeted social assistance.
Expenditure-side reforms should include redirecting social protection from
expensive and inef cient generalized subsidies to transfers that better target
the poor and vulnerable. In addition, containing public wage bills would
reduce expenditure rigidities and support scal strategies for sustainability and
private sector job creation. Revenue measures should focus on broadening the
tax base and improving the ef ciency of tax collection. Some ACTs also have
room for raising income tax progressivity and increasing excise and property
tax rates. Together, these policies would enhance equity while freeing scarce
resources for priority expenditure in infrastructure investment, health, and
education.
At the same time, near-term policies need to be anchored in medium-term
policy frameworks that maintain and strengthen economic stability. With
concerns about debt sustainability rising and scal and external buffers
eroding, countries need to anchor their scal policies in medium-term
frameworks that safeguard macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability.
In some cases, there may be room for scaling up de cits in the near term
when adequate nancing is available and in the context of medium-term
adjustment programs. The slower the pace of scal adjustment, the larger the
nancing needs will be, underscoring the need to anchor policies in credible
medium-term consolidation plans; these will help secure the continued
willingness of creditors to provide the necessary nancing.
Countries face trade-offs in monetary and exchange rate policy. Each country
will need to weigh the pros and cons of pegging versus exchange rate
exibility on an individual basis. In ation will need to be kept contained,
and in ation expectations well anchored. At the same time, a key near-term
challenge is to safeguard aggregate demand in the face of weak growth and
necessary scal consolidation. In addition, capital ows must be restored
so as to reverse the decline in reserves. This outcome would come from a
credible monetary and exchange rate policy that reduces the impact of real
shocks, supports measures to increase competitiveness, controls in ation, and
thus lays out a path for stable and job-creating growth. For countries that opt
for greater exchange rate exibility, this would require the establishment of
a new anchor for monetary policy and stepped up technical capacity at the
central bank, while pegging implies the need to align scal policy closely with
macroeconomic objectives.
Bolstering nancial sector development will be essential to underpin
the recovery and broaden access to nance for investment and growth.
Limited bank competition, a concentration of lending to large, established
companies, a generally poor nancial infrastructure, and underdeveloped
capital markets suggest that large bene ts could be gained from strengthening
Introduction and Summary
5
nancial development and access to nance, and thereby bolstering
investment, growth, and job creation. Reforms should focus on increasing
competition among banks and strengthening their nancial infrastructure,
deepening capital markets and developing their investor base, and making
available alternative nancing instruments, Islamic nance, and micro nance.
A bold economic reform agenda will be essential for propelling private sector
activity and fostering a more dynamic, competitive, innovation-driven, and
inclusive economy. To achieve broad-based and sustainable growth, countries
need to move gradually away from state-dominated to private investment, and
from protected and rent-seeking enterprises to export-led growth and value
creation. Policies should aim at strengthening the revival of private sector
con dence and laying the foundations for higher potential growth. A key
goal will be to engineer a transformation for the public sector, a shift from
providing privileges such as public employment, subsidies, economic rents,
and tax exemptions, to providing basic economic services, adequate social
protection, better governance, a level playing eld for all economic actors, and
a competitive environment for the private sector. Countries will begin their
efforts from different starting points and will have different reform objectives,
but there are some common areas that should be covered: these include trade
integration, business regulation and governance, labor market and education
reform, improved access to nance, and better social safety nets (SSNs).
Deepening trade integration can offer signi cant bene ts. In addition to the
large potential direct gains of boosting exports and attracting productivity-
enhancing FDI, trade integration can serve as catalyst for reforms in other
areas that will help countries compete. Deeper trade integration will require
better access to advanced economy markets. It will also involve carefully
reducing further the ACTs’ tariffs and non-tariff trade barriers, and focusing
on the increasingly important areas of trade facilitation and export promotion .
Complex and burdensome business regulation needs to be tackled to unleash
entrepreneurial activity and private investment. It is essential to improve
the systems of checks and balances in domestic institutions to prevent the
exercise of arbitrary discretion and nontransparent intervention, and to
streamline business regulation with a view to cutting red tape and reducing
informality and corruption. Institutional and regulatory reform should aim at
reducing the scope for discretion, improving transparency, and strengthening
institutional autonomy and accountability.
Labor market and education reforms can provide incentives for hiring and
participation in the formal private sector labor market. Countries should
review labor market regulations with a view to reducing distortions that
discourage hiring and skills-building, while ensuring an adequate level
of social protection. Governments need to revisit their recruitment and
compensation policies to ensure that hiring does not exceed needs and salaries
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
6
do not bias job-seekers toward the public sector. Education systems should
be improved and reoriented towards skills needed in the private sector. As
these policies take time to yield tangible results, countries should consider
employing active labor market policies to achieve quick improvements in labor
market outcomes.
Countries need to create ef cient SSNs to protect the poor and vulnerable in
cost-effective ways. In transitioning from costly generalized subsidies to
targeted forms of social protection, countries should increase their
spending on existing safety net programs and improve their coverage;
consolidate existing, fragmented SSNs; prioritize interventions such as
conditional cash transfers that strengthen human capital; invest in SSN
infrastructure such as uni ed registries for bene ciaries; increase the use
of modern targeting techniques; strengthen governance and accountability
in SSNs; and step up communication to potential bene ciaries about the
programs available to them.
The complexity of all these tasks requires careful prioritization and
sequencing. Although countries differ in their starting conditions and will
need to tailor their individual reform plans, the scope for macroeconomic
and structural policies to support growth and maintain stability is substantial
in all of them. At the same time, the political transitions are at differing
stages among the ACTs, and in some countries transitional governments with
short horizons and limited mandates have less room to maneuver when
setting in motion the necessary policy reforms. In addition, the administrative
capacity to execute reforms differs among countries and is limited in some
of them. Careful prioritization and sequencing of reforms is thus required
to make ef cient use of political capital and administrative capacity, and the
complexity of the political transitions requires a exible approach so that
opportunities for reform can be seized as they arise. It will also be critical to
identify those measures that can be taken quickly to produce strong effects,
such as streamlining business regulation and improving the transparency
of the budget process. Enacting this type of reform quickly would help
strengthen con dence in the authorities’ commitment to the reform process.
In an evolving sociopolitical environment, careful consideration of political
economy has become crucial. Complex political processes, transition
governments with short horizons, the emergence of new stakeholders,
the growing importance of social media in the political process, increasing
polarization of society, and a dif cult security environment make for
challenging and uncharted territory. To set in motion a virtuous circle where
political transition and economic transformation reinforce one another to
generate higher con dence and higher growth, policymakers need to employ a
participatory approach, engaging with different segments of society, creating
a sense of urgency for reform and showcasing its bene ts, listening to
stakeholders’ views, and building coalitions for reform. Policy plans also
Introduction and Summary
7
need to include effective communication plans. Governments must be able to
explain persuasively the reasoning behind dif cult decisions if people are to
support them.
Stepped-up support from the international community will also be
critical. Even as countries need to stay in the driver’s seat and plan their
policy programs through wide national consultation, there is a need for
the international community to support the ACTs’ policy efforts along
four dimensions. Bilateral and multilateral partners will need to continue
providing signi cant nancing, increasing the scale in some cases, so that
public spending can support growth and, where necessary, ease the pace of
adjustment. Access for the ACTs’ exports to advanced economies’ markets is
also important, to support the economic recovery and raise potential growth.
The ACTs can also pro t from policy advice from their international partners
in many areas of economic policy. In addition, the international community
can help in capacity-building efforts by providing technical assistance and
training.
The IMF remains closely engaged with the ACTs. IMF staff are engaging
with country authorities and their international partners in the areas of
economic policies, nancing, and capacity building. The IMF has committed
about $10 billion in nancial arrangements with Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia,
and Yemen. IMF staff are in discussions with Yemen toward a successor
arrangement to the IMF support in 2012, and are supporting Egypt and Libya
through policy dialogue and capacity-building efforts.
This paper lays out key elements of reform in the area of economic policy
for the ACTs. While individual countries will design speci c reform programs
based on their starting positions and reform goals, a number of reform
areas will be common for them. This paper discusses shared priorities and
lessons. Chapter 2 highlights policies to address the scal challenges, while
Chap ter 3 discusses aspects of monetary and exchange rate policies to
support near-term stabilization and stable medium-term growth. Chapter 4
raises issues related to nancial sector policies for stability and development,
including improving access to nance so as to catalyze inclusive growth.
Chapter 5 emphasizes a broad range of areas where economic reform could
generate higher potential growth and improved job creation in the medium
term. Chapter 6 focuses on important supporting factors that need to fall in
place to enhance the chances of successful policy outcomes. These include
the crucial areas of political economy, communication, and support from the
international community.
8
CHAPTER
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
The ACTs faced signi cant medium-term scal challenges even before the
onset of their transitions. In many cases, scal de cits and debt were higher
than in other emerging market and developing countries, re ecting, to varying
degrees, generalized food and fuel subsidies, high global commodities prices,
low taxation, and countercyclical scal action in the context of the global
nancial crisis. Expenditures were dominated by rigid spending on wages and
subsidies, consuming 40 percent or more of most ACTs’ budgets and leaving
too little space for capital expenditures, which in some cases ran at half the
average of emerging and developing economies. Following the global nancial
crisis, all ACTs (except Libya) already had high or rising debt levels.
Spending hikes in the aftermath of the Arab Spring further raised scal
de cits and public debt ( Figure 2.1 ). ACT governments attempted to address
pressing social needs and political tensions, and to sustain aggregate demand
by further raising public wage bills and generalized subsidies ( Figure 2.2 ).
1
In Egypt and Jordan, already sizeable de cits increased sharply, lifting debt
above 80 percent of GDP by 2013. Despite moderate debt ratios in Morocco,
Tunisia, and Yemen, scal vulnerabilities were heightened by elevated
de cits. Libya’s non-oil scal de cit is close to 170 percent of GDP, the scal
breakeven oil price is $118 per barrel,
2
and the overall scal position returned
to a de cit in 2013 as a consequence of renewed oil supply disruptions,
despite large oil reserves.
At the same time, these spending hikes failed to provide a lasting stimulus
to private sector activity. Raising generalized subsidies and public sector
wage bills provided a temporary boost to consumption but was ineffective
at stimulating the private investment needed to generate jobs and improve
living standards. Moreover, this new current spending was partially offset by
reductions in already low capital spending, and sometimes, also, by reductions
2
1
In Jordan, fiscal deficits also worsened because of quasi-fiscal activities and shortfalls in gas from Egypt, which
necessitated expensive fuel imports for electricity generation.
2
The fiscal breakeven oil price is the hypothetical price of oil at which an oil-exporting country’s budget would be balanced.
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
9
in maintenance, education, and health spending—all of which are integral to
sustained improvements in private sector activity. While weak demand has also
been a factor in explaining subdued credit growth, nancing of the resulting
large scal de cits may be further hampering the recovery, by increasing the
cost of credit available for private sector activities and creating in ationary
pressures ( Figure 2.3 ).
Figure 2.1 . Fiscal Positions Have Deteriorated
( Gross public debt and overall fiscal balance, average ; percent of GDP)
EGY
JOR
MAR
YMN
TUN
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
–16 –14 –12 –10 –8 –6 –4 –2 0
Public debt
Fiscal balance
2008–10
2013
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
Figure 2.2 . Subsidies, Transfers, and Wages Were Raised
(Changes in revenue and expenditure, 2010–13; percent of GDP)
–10
–8
–6
–4
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
Egypt Jordan Libya Morocco Tunisia Yemen
Other expenditures
Capital expenditures
Subsidies and transfers
Wages
Total expenditures
Total revenues
–15
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
10
Figure 2.3 . Crowding Out of Private Sector Credit, 2010–13
DJI
EGY
JOR
LBN
MRT
MAR
PAK
SDN
TUN
WBG
–10
–5
0
5
10
15
–5 0 5 10 15 20
Change in credit to government
(Percent of GDP)
Change in credit to private sector
(Percent of GDP)
DJI
EGY
JOR
LBN
MRT
MAR
PAK
SDN
TUN
WBG
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140
Growth in bank deposits
(Percent)
Growth in credit to central government
(Percent)
Source: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
In this environment, the demands on near- and medium-term scal policy are
substantial. Countries need to carefully reorient and sequence their near-term
policies, so that they are aimed at supporting growth and job creation within
binding resource constraints. Medium-term policies need to aim at clearly
anchoring scal stability and strengthening ef ciency.
Demands on near-term scal policy call for a reorientation of public
spending toward growth-enhancing and job-creating public investment that
stimulates private sector activity, and toward well-targeted social assistance
that protects vulnerable groups. Room for expansionary scal policy is
limited, given already high scal imbalances and nancing limitations
( Figure 2.4 ). Yet, with weak private sector con dence, governments have to
take a lead role in shoring up economic activity in the near term. Achieving
this objective without raising de cits and debt to unsustainable levels requires
mobilizing revenues and cutting current spending, which, for most ACTs,
means reducing spending on generalized subsidies and containing public
sector wage bills.
Although this approach is politically dif cult, the risks to near-term economic
activity appear limited. In emerging and developing countries,
3
including the
ACTs, scal multipliers on current spending are smaller than those on capital
spending; cuts to current spending, therefore, pose less risk to near-term
economic activity. The pace of spending cuts should be designed to contain
the negative effects on growth, as these effects are ampli ed when output
3
Ilzetzki, Mendoza, and Vegh (2011).
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
11
Figure 2.4 . Government Finances
(Percent of GDP)
–15
–10
–5
0
5
10
15
20
EGY JOR MAR YMN TUN LBY
General Government Balance
0
20
40
60
80
100
EGY JOR MAR YMN TUN LBY
General Government Debt
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
MAR TUN JOR EGY YMN LBY
Total Tax Revenue
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
LBY TUN EGY MAR YMN JOR
Total Expenditure
0
20
40
60
80
100
MAR 00–09
MAR 10–13
TUN 00–09
TUN 10–13
JOR 00–09
JOR 10–13
EGY 00–09
EGY 10–13
YMN 00–09
YMN 10–13
LBY 00–09
LBY 10–13
Expenditure Components
0
5
10
15
20
25
LBY JOR TUN MAR YMN EGY
Public Investment
1
2000–09
2010–13
EMDC 2000–09
EMDC 2010–13
2000–09
2010–13
EMDC 2000–09
EMDC 2010–13
2000–09
2010–13
EMDC 2000–09
EMDC 2010–13
2000–09
2010–13
EMDC 2000–09
EMDC 2010–13
2000–09
2010–13
EMDC 2000–09
EMDC 2010–13
Capital
Other Current
Subsidies and Transfers
Wages
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
Note: EMDC = emerging market and developing countries.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
12
4
Fiscal multipliers are defined as the ratio of a change in output to an exogenous change in government
spending or tax revenues. Several recent studies, including Auerbach and Gorodnichenko (2012) and Baum,
Poplawski-Ribeiro, and Weber (2012) find that fiscal multipliers are magnified in advanced economies when
output is below potential. This also holds for the ACTs, though revenue multipliers are estimated to be less
sensitive to output gaps.
is below potential (the current cyclical position of the ACTs).
4
In addition,
low tax revenues (relative to GDP) in most ACTs, combined with revenue
multipliers that tend to be lower than expenditure multipliers, support
immediate revenue mobilization. Appropriately chosen near-term revenue
measures—including broadening tax bases, raising income tax progressivity,
and increasing excise and property tax rates—would also improve the
redistributive impact of scal policy, which has so far been limited by
weak taxation (see Section B below). This scal policy mix would need to
be supported by adequate monetary policy, nancial sector policies, and
structural reforms ( Chapters 3 5 ) to raise growth.
All ACTs need to anchor their short-term policies in strong and credible
medium-term scal consolidation, with the speed of adjustment depending
in part on the availability of nancing. Medium-term consolidation will be
needed to support con dence, turn unsustainable debt dynamics around, and
reduce the susceptibility to shocks. The speed of adjustment will depend,
among other factors, on the size of the scal imbalances and the availability
of nancing. By way of illustration, delaying subsidy reform in the ACTs by
two years would entail a scal cost of $8 billion. Raising public investment
in the ACTs by 5 percent of GDP cumulatively over ve years would require
$24 billion in nancing, while signi cantly raising growth and employment
( Figure 2.5 ). Stepped-up support from the international community, especially
on budget support, would thus help smooth the adjustment ( Chapter 6 ).
Fiscal consolidation will require signi cant effort over the medium term.
While countries are at various stages of planning scal adjustment, an
illustrative scenario can shed light on the scale of the challenge: if primary
balances were to remain at their current levels, the public debt ratio would rise
by about 17 percent of GDP on average over the next ve years and reach
87 percent of GDP. Restoring debt to sustainable levels (assumed here, for
purposes of illustration, at around 40–60 percent of GDP) over the medium
term will require raising the primary scal balance by an average of 8 percent
to 10 percent of GDP. Moreover, current account de cits and nancing needs
are substantial in many ACTs. For countries with low scal or external buffers,
delays in consolidation could heighten concerns about the sustainability of
macroeconomic policies, further eroding con dence and impairing growth.
Even in Libya, scal vulnerabilities from high breakeven oil prices (highlighted
by the renewed disruptions to oil output), and insuf cient savings to support
spending for future generations call for scal consolidation.
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
13
Medium-term consolidation plans need to center on lower current spending
and higher revenue mobilization. Strategic spending reorientation should
aim at eliminating generalized subsidies, undertaking comprehensive civil
service reforms, and channeling part of these savings toward enhancing the
coverage and amounts of targeted social assistance and strengthening public
investment. The successful implementation of these reforms will also depend
on improvements in key aspects of the budget process. On the revenue
side, medium-term reforms should aim at improving the tax structure, and
increasingly turn to tax and customs administration reforms, which would
not only raise revenues but also improve governance and the business
environment. These policies would improve equity, create jobs, and enhance
long-term growth prospects by boosting productivity.
The success of such scal strategies will depend on getting the political economy
right. Policymakers will need to gauge what reforms are possible and how best to
sequence them under dif cult sociopolitical circumstances. Success will depend on
listening to all stakeholders’ views when formulating policy agendas, and building
the coalitions needed to implement them. To this end, the recent tax conference
in Morocco and the ongoing national tax consultation process in Tunisia have
been useful in building consensus for tax reforms. It will be important to know
who stands to lose as a result of reform—whether in certain regions or economic
sectors or along demographic or income lines. Such knowledge can help
predict opposition to proposed plans and can inform strategies to address such
opposition. A broad-based communication strategy, emphasizing that this form of
consolidation will contain the negative impact on incomes and jobs while possibly
improving income distribution, will be critical to building political consensus and
gaining the public support needed to sustain the consolidation effort.
Figure 2.5. A 5 Percent of GDP Increase in Public Investment Would Significantly
Impact Growth and Employment
1
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
2008 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
GDP Growth
(Percent)
5 percent
of GDP
Baseline
Projecon
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1.0
2012 13 14 15 16 17
Job Creaon
2
(Million)
Source: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
1
ACTs, excluding Libya.
2
Under various employment elasticities.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
14
Reorienting Spending
Increased spending on public wage bills and generalized subsidies, in response
to social pressures, stimulated near-term economic activity, but also widened
external imbalances and worsened inequalities and expenditure rigidities.
Broad-based subsidies, especially for energy, support imports more than they
support demand for domestic goods and services, and they disproportionately
bene t high-income segments of the population, who consume large
amounts of fuel and electricity. Consequently, the bulk of subsidy increases
was transferred to the wealthy and had limited effect in generating jobs or
improving the living standards of the average household. Hikes in public wage
bills were introduced in a dif cult sociopolitical context; their continuation is
not a sustainable policy option ( Figure 2.6 ). They also tend to raise inequality
(IMF, 2012c), especially where government employees hold an above-average
position in the income distribution ( Figure 2.7 ). Recognizing the limitations of
cross-country comparisons in this area, among the ACTs, income inequality
is highest in Tunisia and Morocco, where average civil service wages are three
and four times per capita GDP, respectively. Expenditure rigidities stemming
from the public wage bill and generalized subsidies, both above emerging and
developing country averages, create additional challenges for scal policy.
Carefully reorienting public spending away from generalized subsidies
towards targeted social safety nets would support poorer households,
reduce inequalities, and free resources for priority expenditure and de cit
reduction. Stable or declining international energy prices have created
a window of opportunity for reform of energy subsidies. Given the
delicate sociopolitical environment, cuts in subsidies should be gradual and
implemented concurrently with increased targeted social assistance (including
Figure 2.6 . High Public Wage Bills
(Employee compensation, 2012; percent of GDP)
0
5
10
15
20
LBY MAR TUN YEM EGY JOR
Emerging Market and
Developing Countries Average
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
15
5
See: IMF, 2013b for more details.
6
Automatic pricing should include price-smoothing measures to avoid potentially large fluctuations in domestic
fuel prices.
Figure 2.7 . High Public Wages Tend to Raise Inequality
DZA
ARM
AZE
DJI
EGY
GEO
IRN
IRQ
JOR
KAZ
KGZ
MRT
MAR
QAT
SDN
SYR
TJK
TUN
TKM
UZB
YEM
25
30
35
40
45
0 1020304050
GINI coefficient, latest available
Public wages (average 2007–12)
in percent of total expenditure
Public Wages and Inequality
Sources: National authorities; World Bank World
Development Indicators; and IMF staff calculations.
Egypt
Jordan
Tunisia
Morocco
Africa
Asia
Europe
Lan America
1.0
2.5
2.8
3.9
1.3
1.4
1.4
1.4
Average Public Administraon Wage
1
(Percent of per capita GDP)
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff
calculations.
1. Annual average for 2000-08, except for Jordan,
Morocco, and Tunisia, where data are for 2009.
targeted cash transfers or vouchers) to mitigate the effects on poor and
vulnerable households (see Chapter 5 ). To that end, Jordan is gradually raising
electricity tariffs, has eliminated fuel subsidies, introduced a monthly fuel
price adjustment mechanism, and reallocated some of the savings from these
reforms to the bottom 70 percent of households via cash transfers ( going
well beyond compensation for the poor, also strengthening buy-in from the
middle class, though the eligibility criteria are being ne-tuned with a view to
better targeting the poor segments of the population). Energy price increases
have also been implemented in Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen. To a lesser
extent, reforms have also begun in Egypt (IMF 2013d, Box 2.4 provides details).
Instituting energy subsidy reform is politically dif cult, and country
experiences provide key lessons for success.
5
Important elements are a
comprehensive energy sector reform plan that includes consultation with the
main stakeholders; appropriately phased energy price increases; introduction
of automatic pricing mechanisms
6
to depoliticize energy pricing; a plan to
improve the ef ciency of state-owned enterprises and utilities to reduce
producer subsidies; targeted measures to compensate and protect the
poor and vulnerable; and an extensive communications strategy, including
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
16
publication of the magnitude of existing subsidies and planned use of
prospective scal savings. Opinion polls have shown, for example, that
citizens tend to support subsidy reform if they perceive that the proceeds
are used for pro-poor, education, and health spending, and if they can be
satis ed that these expenditures are done in an ef cient way ( Box 2.1 ).
Box 2.1. Mixed Public Views on Cutting Energy Subsidies
ACT populations are coming to terms with the need for subsidy reform, in recognition
of rising scal pressures. Several ACT governments have recently taken steps toward
cutting back costly generalized subsidies, especially for energy. Generally, populations
have accepted these changes, but they do hold strong opinions on the types of subsidies
that should be cut and where the savings should be allocated. A recent poll of ACT
populations, conducted for the World Bank,
7
provides more insight into their views.
Cuts in fuel subsidies are preferred over cuts to food subsidies (Table 2.1.1). In Tunisia
40 percent of respondents favored cutting energy subsidies. The response was not
as strong in Egypt and Jordan, at 30 percent, but support for the removal of energy
subsidies was several times stronger than for removal of food subsidies. This difference
may re ect populations’ awareness that fuel subsidies disproportionately bene t the
wealthy. The poll results also indicate that Tunisians are least likely to oppose large-
scale subsidy reform, while 60 percent of respondents in Egypt and nearly half of
respondents in Jordan were not in favor of subsidy removal.
Distributing savings to poor households and improving social services is favored,
and can improve the public buy-in for reform. At least half the respondents in Egypt
and Tunisia speci ed that the savings from energy subsidies should be distributed
as cash transfers to the poor and as increased spending on healthcare and education
Table 2.1.1. Subsidy Removal Preferences
(Percent of respondents)
1
Egypt Jordan Tunisia
Energy 31 28 41
Food 6 13 25
None 60 47 27
No response 3 12 7
Source: World Bank MENA Development Report, “Inclusion and
Resilience: The Way Forward for Social Safety Nets in the Middle
East and North Africa.”
1
Response to the question, “If the government had to remove
subsdies, which products would you prefer they target?”
7
A Gallup poll of 4,000 interviews with adults, aged 15 and older, was conducted in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon,
and Tunisia during September–December 2012.
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
17
(Table 2.1.2). Notably, more than two-thirds of Tunisians and nearly 60 percent
of Egyptians who opposed any subsidy removal when originally asked indicated
subsequently that they would support removing diesel subsidies if the savings were to
be distributed to the poor and to education and healthcare spending.
8
Morocco undertook successful reforms to downsize its public sector in 2005. However, further reforms are
needed to raise the productivity of its civil service. In Yemen, the cabinet recently approved a plan to eliminate
ghost workers and double-dippers in the civil service and military and security forces.
Table 2.1.2. Preferences for Distribution of Savings from Energy Subsidies
(Percent of respondents)
1
Distribute savings to . . . Egypt Jordan Tunisia
Poorest households 32 50 38
All except wealthy households 3 19 6
All households 2 3 1
Healthcare and education as well as poorest households 57 10 50
No response 7 19 4
Source: World Bank MENA Development Report, “Inclusion and Resilience: The Way Forward for Social
Safety Nets in the Middle East and North Africa.”
1
Response to the question, “Where should the government spend the savings from energy subsidies?”
Box 2.1 (concluded)
Containing public wage bills would reduce expenditure rigidities and support
scal strategies for sustainability and private sector job creation. Using the
public sector as employer of rst and last resort is no longer an option where
scal buffers are running low. Moreover, in some cases in ated public sector
salaries reduce the appeal of private sector jobs for the best workers. To
kick-start reforms and facilitate private sector growth, further public sector
hiring should be strictly limited and real wage growth should be reduced by
restraining the growth of nominal wages and allowances, and by streamlining
bonuses. Near-term consolidation efforts can be complemented by medium-
term plans for comprehensive civil service reforms that review the size and
structure (including regional and functional allocations) of the civil service
to create a skilled and ef cient government work force. This would entail
reviewing existing civil service legislation and regulations to rationalize
compensation policies, improve retention, and to create stronger performance
incentives by tightening the link between pay and performance. At the same
time, strengthening the payroll system would help eliminate ghost workers and
double-dippers, especially in Libya and Yemen.
8
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
18
9
Empirical literature finds that education is one of the main determinants of cross-country variations in
inequality (De Gregorio and Lee, 2002; IMF, 2007; and Barro, 2008).
Increasing growth-enhancing capital expenditures will be important.
Increasing outlays on ef cient capital projects, healthcare, education, and
training—particularly for low- and middle-income households—would create
jobs and reduce inequalities
9
in the near term, while strengthening long-term
growth prospects.
The quality and ef ciency of all growth-enhancing spending will need to be
monitored, and implementation capacity strengthened ( Figure 2.8 ). Public-
private partnerships (PPPs) in a variety of areas can lessen the burden on public
budgets, but only where the political environment supports them and where
strong PPP legal frameworks and mechanisms can be established to mitigate
the risk of large contingent liabilities. Strengthened reporting and monitoring
mechanisms, as well as procurement systems, are essential for improvements
in this phase, in both government and public enterprises, and would support
a better business environment. Appropriate vetting and prioritization systems
(i.e., choosing projects that relieve infrastructure bottlenecks, complement
private investment, and enhance productivity), timely allocation of recurrent
expenditures, and ex-post evaluations and internal audits would underpin
improvements in the appraisal, selection, and project evaluation stages.
Broad public nancial management reforms would bolster implementation
of the plans above and instill con dence in ACT governments’ commitment
Figure 2.8 . Large Variation in the Quality of Public Investment Management
(Public investment managment index; 0 (lowest) to 4 (highest) )
Source: Dabla-Norris and others (2011).
0
1
2
3
4
TUN JOR EGY YEM LAC EM
Europe
MCD Dev.
Asia
SS
Africa
Appraisal Score
Implementaon Score
Selecon Score
Evaluaon Score
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
19
to scal sustainability and good governance. Improvements are needed across
key aspects of the budget process, including, rst and foremost, commitment
controls and strengthened systems for budget preparation, as well as
enhancements to budget coverage and audit:
Better commitment controls
are essential to limit the possibility
of expenditure overruns, which is especially important for the ACTs in
light of a history of overruns and substantial near- and medium-term
consolidation needs. The rst step toward addressing this challenge will
be for all ACTs to move immediately toward exercising expenditure
controls at the point of expenditure commitment rather than at the
payment stage. Implementing ef cient technological platforms such
as Integrated Financial Management Information Systems (IFMIS)
will be an important part of the process of improving cash and debt
management. Allocating an appropriate level of contingency reserves
would also help governments adjust to unexpected revenue declines or
spending needs.
Sound budget preparation
is equally important: it enhances policy
prioritization, which is key for the ACTs, given their need to prioritize
spending in the context of limited resources. Approaches vary across
the ACTs, from top-down in Jordan and Yemen to bottom-up in Egypt.
International best practices indicate that all the ACTs would bene t from
adopting a top-down approach that is complemented by strong ties between
macro- scal projections and the budget, a uni ed budget process (that
is, full integration of recurrent and capital budgets), and a closely linked
medium-term scal framework. This approach should be complemented by
bottom-up performance-based budgets at the sectoral level.
Comprehensive budget coverage and increased transparency
are
needed to be able to adequately assess the scal stance and rein in extra-
budgetary spending. Budget coverage in the ACTs tends to be narrower
than in other regions (see IMF, 2013c, Box 2.5 ). Coverage that includes
public enterprises, social security and pension funds, along with broad
budget reporting that encompasses functional classi cations, contingent
liabilities, and arrears, would enhance transparency and risk assessment.
This would rein in the use of third-party revenues and unused budget
allocations for extra-budgetary expenditures, support the tracking of
poverty-reducing expenditures, and facilitate the analysis of the allocation
of resources across sectors. A statement of scal risks as part of the
budget documents would also strengthen transparency. Disclosure of
budget documents and outcomes would help strengthen accountability.
Strong internal and external audit procedures
are essential to
implementing nancial controls and risk management, thereby
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
20
strengthening governance. Morocco has made good progress in this
area, but there is ample scope for strengthening such procedures in other
ACTs. International best practices indicate that the ACTs should strive
for independent auditors with clearly de ned functional and institutional
roles, suf cient access to information, and the power to report to the
appropriate authorities.
For ACTs that have embarked on decentralization, potential scal risks
should be limited with a sound intergovernmental scal relations framework.
Efforts in most ACTs to embark on decentralization pre-date the political
transitions that started in 2011, though decentralization endeavors are now
in uenced and shaped in part by the transitions. Except for Morocco, the
ACTs are still in the early stages of decentralization ( Box 2.2 ). Before moving
forward, it will be important for these countries to strengthen their public
nancial management along the lines suggested above: clarify expenditure
assignments, transfer and equalization systems, and build capacity at the
level of sub-national governments. This includes appropriate sequencing
of resources across sub-national governments (e.g., ex ante de nition of
the resource envelope for sub-nationals) in line with the assignment of
spending responsibilities and limits on sub-national borrowing to avoid
excessive borrowing and ensure scal discipline. The pace of decentralization
should depend on the capacity of sub-national governments to carry out
their assigned functions, which in turn relies on the strength of their public
nancial management. Finally, development of effective intergovernmental
transfer systems should offset vertical and horizontal imbalances across
various levels of government.
Mobilizing Revenues
Weak tax structures in many ACTs limit tax revenues and foster inequalities.
In these cases, revenues have persistently suffered from weak collection,
largely the result of high tax exemptions and compliance issues, and, in some
countries, low income and corporate tax rates compared to those in other
emerging and developing countries. The tax effort is generally well below
100 percent in the ACTs (except Morocco), implying that the gap between
actual and potential tax revenue collection is substantial ( Table 2.1 ).
10
This
nding is robust to various measures of potential revenue: these include
comparing a country’s tax receipts with: (i) the average of its peers, controlling
10
The tax effort is measured as actual tax collection in percent of potential tax revenues, estimated by
comparing a country’s tax receipts with those of peers with similar characteristics.
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
21
Box 2.2. Progress on Decentralization
Jordan is in the initial stages of decentralization. A draft Local Councils
Law, focused on administrative reforms, was prepared in 2010, but budgetary
and financial management aspects of the law are relatively limited. Several
parameters of reform have yet to be clarified: the link between governorates’
and national priorities; mechanisms for deciding the allocation of resources to
each governorate; the link between capital projects in the governorates and the
recurrent expenditures needed to operate the projects (on line ministry budgets);
and the link between new policies and governorates’ development of financial
management capacity.
In Morocco, regions already have some autonomy while also receiving transfers
from the central government; however, resource distribution across regions involves
a cumbersome process that generates regional disparities. In January 2010, to address
these challenges, the King appointed the Consultative Commission for Regionalization
(CCR), an advisory committee, to prepare a roadmap for a new model of
decentralization. The CCR proposed a number of important reforms that are currently
under discussion. Some key elements of the reforms include enhancing governance at
the regional level, strengthening regional involvement in implementing development
projects, and improving capacity at the sub-national level by transferring competencies
from the central government to local councils.
Tunisia is moving toward decentralization; key principles have been enshrined in
the recently approved constitution. Progress in decentralization so far has been slow:
there have been no major changes in expenditure assignments; governorates continue
to exercise tight control of municipalities; and governors (executive heads of the
governorates, appointed by the President) are still reporting to the Ministry of the
Interior. Devolution of public services is more advanced: in the education, health,
and agricultural sectors, a growing share of the budget is implemented by legally
autonomous entities (Etablissements Publics Administratifs). Nevertheless, their operational
autonomy for personnel management and procurement can still be increased.
In Yemen, the Ministry of Local Administration (MOLA) paved the way for
decentralization with amendments to the Decentralization Act and the Decentralization
Strategy; however, progress has been held back by capacity constraints at the
governorates and slow implementation of important public nancial management
reforms. The shape of future federal arrangements, including those related to
decentralization issues, is currently under discussion.
for a range of characteristics likely to affect the ability to raise revenue, such
as per capita income (see regression analysis in Box 2.3 ); or (ii) the maximum
that others with similar characteristics have achieved (stochastic frontier
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
22
Table 2.1 . Room for Improvement in Tax Effort and VAT Collection Efficiency
1
Tax Effort
1
VAT Collection Efficiency
3
Regression Analysis, Box
2
Stochastic Frontier Analysis
2
Jordan 51 64 74
Egypt 73 72 . . .
Morocco 95 93 72
Tunisia 91 . . . 53
Yemen . . . 73 . . .
Sources: National authorities; IMF 2013c; and IMF staff estimates.
1
2012.
2
Based on IMF 2013c, Appendix 2.
3
Average for emerging markets with most comparable characteristics to the ACTs.
Figure 2.9 . Scope for Additional Revenue Collection
(Tax rates and revenue, 2012
1
)
Sources: National authorities; KPMG; Deloitte; and IMF staff calculations.
1
Or latest available data.
Goods and Services
Income
Trade
Other
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
MAR TUN EGY YEM JOR LBY
Top Tier Personal Income Tax Rates
(Percent)
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
MAR TUN EGY YEM LBY JOR
Top Tier Corporate Income Tax Rates
(Percent)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
JOR MAR EGY YEM TUN LBY EMDC
EMDC Average EMDC Average
Tax Revenue Components
(Percent of Total Revenue)
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
23
analysis). Similarly, the ACTs’ value-added (VAT) collection ef ciency is low
relative to the 80 percent average of emerging and developing economies.
Tax progressivity is also low in most ACTs. In the non-oil ACTs the lack of
progressivity largely re ects reliance on goods and services taxes and limited
progressive income taxation. Absent change in the tax structure, these revenue
challenges are expected to persist in the medium term in Egypt, Jordan, and
Tunisia. In Yemen and Libya, the risk of declining oil prices underlines the
importance of developing their non-oil sectors to create jobs, diversify growth,
and develop a tax base that can supplement oil-related income over time.
Raising additional revenue is a priority for the ACTs ( Figure 2.9 ). Low tax
revenue intake suggests the potential for additional collection, while revenue
multipliers that are smaller than the multipliers on the expenditure side
imply that revenue generation is a less costly means—in terms of growth
impact—of providing additional scal space than expenditure cuts. Collecting
additional revenue can thus generate scal resources for priority expenditure
and de cit reduction, without a high cost in growth and jobs.
Revenue gap analysis suggests country-speci c areas where revenue measures can
raise yields and support growth, equity, and competitiveness. Revenue gap analysis
is applied to guide the focus of efforts to improve tax yields ( Box 2.3 ). Egypt and
Tunisia, in particular, have scope for measures that would improve yields from
consumption taxes, the main area in which they fall short of their tax potential.
Jordan could substantially raise its revenue potential by focusing on income tax
collection; a draft income tax law, aiming to increase rates for individuals and
corporates, was submitted to Parliament in February 2014. Even Morocco,
with tax revenues close to potential, would bene t from greater ef ciency in tax
collection. To reduce their reliance on oil revenues, Yemen and Libya need to
build their non-oil revenues across consumption, income, and other taxes. Some
key initial tax policy measures that will help the ACTs raise revenues while meeting
other macroeconomic and equity considerations include broadening the tax base,
introducing greater income tax progressivity, and raising excise and property tax rates.
Broadening the tax base promotes several macroeconomic and equity objectives.
It fosters equity, especially compared to across-the-board rate increases which can
be both regressive (particularly for income and consumption taxes) and politically
challenging to implement. New evidence con rms that base broadening is also
better for growth—especially for VAT (Acosta-Ormachea and Yoo, 2013)—and
for improving the business environment. Consequently, tax exemptions and
deductions (except those protecting the poor) should be heavily reduced for all
taxes and, whenever possible, multiple VAT rates consolidated into a single rate
while raising registration thresholds ( Table 2.2 ). Some progress has been made
with the introduction of taxes on large agricultural rms in Morocco and moves
toward harmonization of onshore and offshore taxation in Tunisia (including a
reduction of the onshore income tax rate). More broadly, reducing tax exemptions
would also reduce tax administration and compliance costs as well as tax evasion.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
24
Box 2.3. Tax Potential and Revenue Gaps in Non-Oil ACTs
Revenue gaps, the difference between actual tax revenues and estimates of
their potential, highlight areas where ACTs can garner further tax revenues.
In any country, tax potential depends on characteristics that are likely to affect its
revenue-raising ability—economic (such as its level of development, or revenue from
other sources), political (including constitutional), and even geographical (revenues
can be harder to raise when borders are long and porous). Consequently, tax potential
can be estimated by comparing a country’s tax receipts with the average of its peers,
controlling for economic characteristics (Table 2.3.1). By construction, some countries
will have revenue above this average, and others will have revenue below. Libya and
Yemen are excluded from the analysis because they rely mainly on oil revenues.
The domestic tax potential of non-oil ACTs varies greatly.
11
Applying a novel
dataset of 66 middle-income and emerging economies from Torres (2014), tax potential
is assessed separately for consumption and for other taxes. Controlling for differences in
per capita gross national income, VAT or GST rates, top tier corporate income tax rate,
the redistribution of tax revenues (proxied by social spending and direct subsidies),
12
and the current business cycle position (proxied by the gap between the current GDP
growth rate and its potential), the following ndings emerge (Figure 2.3.1):
Table 2.3.1. Determinants of Tax Revenues
(Percent of GDP)
Total domestic tax Consumption tax
1
Per capita GNI 1.75*** 0.82***
VAT rate 0.33* 0.21*
Corporate Income tax rate
0.04
. . .
Social spending 0.70*** 0.22***
Growth gap 0.51*** 0.19*
Constant 8.75** 3.85***
Number of countries 64 66
Adjusted R-squared 0.69 0.42
***, **, *: statistically significant at 1, 5, and 10 percent.
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
1
Includes VAT and excises.
11
Because international trade taxes have experienced a declining trend in the ACTs with the lowering of
international trade barriers, this analysis focuses on domestic taxes—defined as the total collection of taxes less
international trade taxes.
12
Per capita gross national income is highly correlated with the VAT, corporate income tax rates, and social
spending. Consequently, the regression applies these variables after they have been purged of their correlation
with per capita gross national income.
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
25
Jordan is lagging behind its peers in raising tax revenues. Compared to countries
with similar tax rates, its collection is especially low for income, property, and
excise taxes.
• In Egypt there is some scope for improving collection of all taxes. In particular, GST
collection is especially low because of numerous exemptions.
Tunisia stands to gain from greater consumption tax revenues, which have also been
eroded by exemptions; however, it exceeds its peers in the collection of other taxes.
• Overall, Moroccos tax collection is already comparable to its peers. It slightly
outperforms peers in consumption taxes, but further gains could be achieved in other
taxes.
In light of these results, broadening the tax base and improving tax administration will
be key elements of reform across the non-oil ACTs. For those lagging in collection of
non-consumption taxes, special attention should also be paid to increasing progressivity
of income taxes and ramping up property taxes.
Box 2.3 (concluded)
Figure 2.3.1. Potential Tax Revenue Gains
1,2
(Percent of GDP)
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
1
Model-based estimated tax revenues minus actual tax revenues;
often referred to as tax gap.
2
Other taxes include income, excise, and property taxes.
–6.0
–3.0
0.0
3.0
6.0
9.0
12.0
15.0
Jordan Egypt Tunisia Morocco
Other taxes
Consumpon tax
Total
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
26
Table 2.2 . Non-Oil ACTs: Base Broadening Recommendations
Egypt Multiple general sales tax (GST) and corporate income tax (CIT) rates could be unified, GST
extended to services, personal income tax (PIT) extended to all forms of capital income, and
discretionary power over customs exemptions eliminated.
Jordan GST thresholds could be harmonized, capital gains taxes instituted, and the exemption threshold
under the PIT lowered.
Morocco Numerous VAT rates could be reduced.
Tunisia A single CIT rate could be applied for on- and off-shore activities, and corporate dividends taxed.
Efforts to reduce the large informal sector (see Chapter 5 ) would also enlarge
the tax base. A solid communication strategy—for example, Morocco’s current
practice of publishing an annual tax expenditure review highlighting costs and
bene ts—would be critical to facilitate public buy-in for these efforts.
Greater income tax progressivity, in some ACTs, would improve equity,
with little impact on growth. Except in Morocco and Tunisia, income tax
progressivity in the ACTs is low ( Table 2.3 ). Recently, progressivity has been
increased in Egypt by the introduction of a new income tax bracket for high
income earners and raising the rate applied to them. In Jordan, Libya, and
Yemen, greater personal income tax progressivity could entail introducing a
higher rate for the highest income earners, preserving the current rates for
the majority of the population and lowering the rate for the lowest income
segments of the population. In China, for example, greater progressivity was
introduced by reducing the starting rate and widening the band over which the
top rate applies (IMF 2013c). Greater tax progressivity is envisaged in Jordans
draft income tax law, which proposes an increase in the top personal income
tax rate (reversing a 2009 rate cut).
Multiple objectives could also be achieved by raising excise and property tax
rates ( Figure 2.10 ). In light of their currently low levels in a number of ACTs,
higher rates on luxury goods’ excises, and on taxes on high-value properties,
would improve revenues, ef ciency, and fairness, with limited effects on
growth; these taxes would mostly affect the wealthy, who typically have a
relatively low consumption elasticity. Implementation of property taxes,
however, would require substantial upfront investment in administrative
infrastructure that would include establishing a comprehensive cadastre,
valuation mechanisms, and effective enforcement.
These tax policy efforts should be complemented by reforms to tax and customs
administration. Supporting administrative reforms would help generate additional
revenue, help level the playing eld by increasing transparency, compliance, and
ef ciency, garner public support for the overall reform package, and promote
foreign direct investment and competitiveness, thus supporting higher medium-
term growth. In light of the ACTs’ need to stimulate private sector con dence
Tackling Fiscal Challenges
27
and activity, reforms should target strengthened administrative capacity and
enhanced compliance, to address governance concerns. With these objectives in
mind, it will be important to undertake the following reforms:
Simplifying tax systems would improve their ef ciency and business-
friendliness. Streamlining procedures and simplifying tax codes, tax
regulations, and small and medium-sized enterprise tax regimes are
critical reforms in this area.
Enhancing tax compliance is also an important component of
reforms. In Jordan and Morocco, where VAT revenues are large, a risk-
based compliance system (including an automated VAT refunds system)
would raise tax yield, facilitate business operations, and reduce unequal
Table 2.3 . Scope for More Income Tax Progressivity
(Personal income tax brackets in ACTs (local currency) )
1
Rate ( Percent) Income bracket
Egypt 0 EGP 0–5,000
10 EGP 5,000–30,000
15 EGP 30,000–45,000
20 EGP 45,000–250,000
25 EGP >250,000
Jordan 7 JOD 0–12,000
14 JOD >12,000
Libya 5 LYD 0–12,000
10 LYD >12,000
Morocco 0 MAD 0–30,000
10 MAD 30,000–50,000
20 MAD 50,000–60,000
30 MAD 60,000–80,000
34 MAD 80,000–180,000
38 MAD >180,000
Tunisia 0 TND 0–1,500
15 TND 1,500–5,000
20 TND 5,000–10,000
25 TND 10,000–20,000
30 TND 20,000–50,000
35 TND >50,000
Yemen 12 YER 0–20,000
15 YER >20,000
Sources: National authorities; and Deloitte and Touche, KPMG.
1
As of end-2012.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
28
tax treatment across companies. International experience also suggests
that a large tax payers’ department, operating through a small number
of of ces, can lower tax evasion and improve administrative ef ciency.
For example, in Jordan, tax amnesties could be eliminated, penalties
strengthened, and resources for the large taxpayers’ of ce increased.
Strengthening the capacity of revenue administration will be critical,
and includes the retention of high-quality staff, who are necessary to
successfully implement reforms in this area. In addition, more nancial,
technological, and human resources would raise yields and enhance
governance. This is especially important for Yemen, where effective
revenue administration is the key to reversing a culture of low tax
compliance.
Advancing customs administration reforms would substantially
raise yields on import VAT, excise, and international trade taxes.
A comprehensive reform package in this area should include
(i) information sharing between the tax and customs administrations
through valuation databases that are accessible to internal auditors and
used by eld declaration clearance of cers to check declared customs
values; (ii) replacing cumbersome customs codes with a simpli ed code
pooling all customs laws, regulations, and orders; and (iii) reducing large
physical examination requirements and clearance periods.
Figure 2.10 . Scope for Raising Property and Excise Tax Rates
(Property and excise tax revenue, latest available; percent of GDP)
Source: National authorities; and IMF staff estimates.
1
Latest available data .
2
Excise taxes are small and classifed under GST or fees.
EMDC Average
OECD Average
EMDC Average
OECD Average
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
MAR EGY TUN JOR LBY YEM
Property Tax Revenue
(Percent of GDP
1
)
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
MAR TUN EGY YEM LBY JOR
2
Excise Tax Revenue
(Percent of GDP)
29
CHAPTER
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy
for Stability, Growth, and Jobs
The ACTs’ longstanding monetary and exchange rate policies have
traditionally supported stability, but with pressures building up from time
to time. Most ACTs have historically relied on stable exchange rates as
a nominal anchor for monetary policy. While this generally supported a
benign in ation environment and economic stability, some countries faced
a gradual erosion of their competitiveness because they had persistently
higher in ation than their main trading partners. Since the onset of the
transitions in 2011, the setting in which monetary and exchange rate policy
operates has faced further complexities. The transitions have left many
ACTs with signi cant output gaps and current account de cits, reduced
in ows of private capital, and much-diminished scal policy space and
external buffers.
Limited exchange rate exibility constrains monetary policy options. Stimulus
for higher growth that would enable private sector job creation is urgently
needed, but scal policy options are limited because of the need to focus
on scal sustainability ( Chapter 2 ). In addition, high scal de cits, largely
nanced domestically, have in some cases raised the cost of bank nancing
for the private sector. The outlook for higher global interest rates, resulting
from a strengthening recovery in the United States, could further impair
domestic nancing conditions, especially in countries with xed exchange
rates.
The ongoing political transitions provide an opportunity to rethink monetary
and exchange rate policies. Economic and political changes, in the context
of the ongoing transitions, are providing a new setting for economic policies,
with a view to identifying the right policies for short-term stabilization and
stimulus, as well as for medium-term growth.
3
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
30
The Current Context for Monetary and Exchange Rate Policies
The ACTs are in a dif cult cyclical and external position. The political
transitions since 2011 have been accompanied by economic downturns, leading
to—in some cases substantial—output gaps and deteriorating living standards,
and further raising already high unemployment. External positions have
also deteriorated ( Figure 3.1 , Figure 3.2 ). Chronically large trade and current
account de cits have doubled since before the transition in some countries.
Rising food and energy import prices, and falling goods and services exports,
owing to security concerns and weak global growth, including the recession
in Europe, have contributed to these increases. At the same time, subdued
con dence and sovereign credit downgrades reduced capital ows in 2011,
and these have only partially recovered.
International reserves have declined substantially. In most cases (except Jordan
and Libya), they now only cover a few months of imports and need to be
increased to get comfortably in the range indicated by the IMF’s reserve
adequacy metric, which calculates an adequate range for reserves for meeting
vulnerabilities to export income, debt repayments, portfolio ows, and
potential capital ight ( Figure 3.3 ).
1
Figure 3.1 . Significant Macroeconomic Impacts
from the Political Transitions
1
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
Reserves (US$ billions), le scale
Current account deficit (% GDP)
Financial flows (% GDP)
Real GDP per capita growth
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
1
Excludes Libya.
1
Libya maintains large foreign assets; reserve coverage is not a concern.
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy for Stability, Growth, and Jobs
31
Figure 3.2 . External Developments
–3
0
3
6
9
12
–10
0
10
20
30
40
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
Egypt
–50
–40
–30
–20
–10
0
10
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
2007 08 09 10 11 1312
Libya
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
Morocco
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
Tunisia
–4
–2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
Yemen
Reserves (US$ billions), le scale Current account deficit (% GDP), right scale Financial flows (% GDP), right scale
0
4
8
12
16
20
24
28
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
Jordan
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
Note: Financial flows are calculated as net direct investment + net portfolio investment + net other investments.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
32
Figure 3.3 . International Reserves Have Dropped Since the Onset of the Transition
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
2004 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13
Egypt Jordan
Morocco Tunisia
Reserve Adequacy
(Reserves as a share of ARA
1
metric)
Suggested
adequacy range
0
3
6
2008 09 10 11 1312
9
Egypt Jordan
Morocco Tunisia
Yemen
Gross Internaonal Reserves
(Months of imports)
Source: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
1
Assessing Reserve Adequacy metric as defined in (IMF, 2011a). 2013 estimates based on preliminary data.
I n ation outcomes have been, for the most part, benign. Substantial output
gaps, subsidies on imported food and fuel products, and exchange rate
stability relative to an appreciating U.S. dollar have helped keep in ation in
most ACTs lower than in emerging markets, on average ( Figure 3.4 ). However,
in Egypt in ation has been structurally high and has risen over the past year as
a result of pass-through from exchange rate depreciation, money expansion,
supply shortages, and recurrent wage increases. In ation in Yemen remains
elevated but has declined in the context of the country’s macroeconomic
stabilization efforts following the 2011 crisis. In Jordan headline in ation has
remained low despite liberalizing energy prices and a large in ux of refugees.
ACTs have operated with limited exchange rate exibility. Based on the IMF’s
de facto classi cation, ACT countries maintain pegged and intermediate
exchange rate arrangements. In particular, three of the six ACT counties—
Jordan, Libya and Morocco—maintain conventional pegs, while Egypt and
Tunisia use crawl-like arrangements and Yemen operates under a managed
oat ( Table 3.1 ). Pegs in Jordan, Libya, and Morocco have been in place for
a long time, while Tunisia and Yemen have been making efforts to return to
more exible arrangements. Egypt maintained a crawl-like arrangement since
2010 and has recently allowed at times for increased exibility.
Some ACTs have been experiencing appreciation in their real effective
exchange rates (REERs). The evolution of the individual country
REERs re ects patterns in the anchor currencies (for countries
with pegs), movements of the price of oil, domestic price and wage
developments, and in ation differentials with trading partners. Compared
to their 2005 levels, the REERs of Yemen and Libya appreciated by about
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy for Stability, Growth, and Jobs
33
Figure 3.4 . Inflation in Most ACTs Has Remained below the Emerging Market Average
(Consumer price inflation, 2013; year average, percent)
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Yemen Egypt Tunisia Jordan Libya Morocco EMs
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
Table 3.1 . Structural and Exchange Rate Characteristics
Egypt Jordan Libya Morocco Tunisia Yemen
Resource-based
economies
No No Yes No No Yes
De facto exchange
rate policy
Crawl-like
arrangement
Conventional
peg
Conventional
peg
Conventional
peg
Crawl-like
arrangement
Other
managed float
Output gap 2013
(percent)
2.7 1.3
1.3 2.7 9.0
Current account
deficit, 2013
2.1 9.9 2.7 7.4 8.0 2.7
Exchange rate
assessment
2.6 to
14 percent
1
4.1 to
6.9 percent
2
0 to
15 percent
3
5 to
15 percent
4
0.9 to
6.7 percent
5
8.5 to
2.3 percent
Labor market
efficiency rank (1 =
best; 144 = worst)
142 101 137 122 . . . 138
Product market
efficiency rank (1 =
best; 144 = worst)
125 44 137 69 . . . 131
Food imports as
a share of total
merchandise
imports, 2010
19.2 15.9 . . . 11.9 8.9 34.0
Sources: IMF staff estimates; and World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Index.
1
IMF Country Report 10/94.
2
IMF Country Report 12/119.
3
IMF Country Report No. 13/150.
4
IMF Country Report 13/69.
5
IMF Country Report 12/255.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
34
50 percent. In both cases, these increases were related to increased in ation
in the wake of higher oil-based spending, and subsequently to high in ation
in the context of Yemen’s economic crisis and stabilization (2011–13) and
Libya’s 2011 civil war. Egypt’s REER has been appreciating since 2007
because of high in ation, though that trend has recently halted, partly owing
to depreciation of the nominal exchange rate. Jordan experienced a milder
REER appreciation driven by the appreciation of the U.S. dollar since mid-
2010, and by in ation differentials with trading partners. In contrast, Morocco
and Tunisia’s REERs have been following a declining trend and are currently
below their 2005 levels ( Figure 3.5 ).
Figure 3.5 . Real Effective Exchange Rates Have Appreciated in Some ACTs
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
160
170
180
Jan-05 Jan-07 Jan-09 Jan-11 Jan-13
Egypt
Jordan
Libya
Morocco
Tunisia
Yemen
EM
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policies in Support
of High and Sustainable Growth
The choice of an exchange rate regime depends on the structure of the
economy. Important factors include the size of the economy, the degree of
openness and nancial development, the diversi cation of the economy’s
production and exports, its exposure to shocks, concerns about domestic
in ation, the degree of labor and capital mobility, the extent of price
exibility in product and labor markets, and the quality of institutions. In
addition, the degree to which existing regimes provide a well-functioning
in ation anchor and economic stability will be an important factor. Short-
term considerations may also include a need to maintain adequate levels of
international reserves and avoid any signi cant misalignment of the exchange
rate with fundamentals.
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy for Stability, Growth, and Jobs
35
The empirical literature offers no consensus on the effect of exchange
rate regimes on macroeconomic performance.
2
Recent IMF empirical
work on the choice of exchange rate regime brings more balance to the
debate over which regime is appropriate, and suggests that there is no
“single prescription.” It also identi es important tradeoffs in the choice of
exchange rate regimes among the goals of economic performance (in ation
and growth), the vulnerability to real or nominal shocks, and the ease of
external adjustment.
3
In ation and growth
Pegging the exchange rate provides a useful commitment device to anchor
in ation expectations. A well-established nding in the literature is that pegs
are associated with lower in ation than more exible arrangements because
they can anchor in ation expectations and provide macroeconomic stability.
4
Indeed, conventional pegs in Jordan, Morocco, and Libya have, on average,
yielded in ation rates 4 percentage points lower than in the other ACTs
since 2000.
International evidence associates faster growth with intermediate regimes.
Recent empirical evidence (Ghosh, Ostry, and Tsangarides, 2010) suggests
that intermediate exchange rate regimes are associated with the highest
average growth performance by capturing some of the bene ts of pegs
(low nominal and real exchange rate volatility, and trade integration)
while avoiding the main drawback (risk of exchange rate overvaluation).
Countries that allow for exchange rate exibility also experience smaller
GDP losses in response to negative terms of trade shocks (Broda, 2004).
In the ACTs, average per capita growth performance since 2000 has been
similar across regimes.
Real and nominal shocks
The nature and magnitude of shocks facing the economy are important
considerations in choosing an exchange rate regime. Real external shocks
(such as terms of trade shocks) or nominal external shocks (such as
increases in trading partner in ation) are better accommodated with exible
exchange rate regimes. In contrast, a xed exchange rate regime may be more
2
See Ghosh, Gulde, and Wolf (2003), Levy-Yeyati and Sturzenegger (2003), and Reinhart and Rogoff (2004).
3
See Ghosh, Ostry, and Tsangarides (2010). Previous Fund work on exchange rate regimes includes Mussa and
others (2000) and Rogoff and others (2004).
4
See Ghosh Gude, and Wolf (2003), Rogoff and others (2004), and Klein and Shambaugh (2010).
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
36
suitable when the economy faces domestic nominal shocks, such as those
originating from uctuations in money demand.
5
The ACTs are subject to
signi cant real economic shocks including volatile terms of trade ( Figure 3.6 )
and their exposure to prices of imported goods, for example food prices, is
high. Some countries have also experienced money volatility, but this has not
necessarily translated into in ation volatility.
An important characteristic of more exible exchange rates is that they
facilitate external adjustment. Recent empirical work using data from the past
three decades shows that oating exchange rate regimes are associated with
smoother and faster external adjustment, while less exible regimes are
associated with larger de cits, which can cease abruptly.
6
It appears that
this pattern broadly holds among the ACTs: Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen—
countries with more exible exchange rate arrangements—have, on average,
lower imbalances than those with pegs.
5
See Friedman (1953), Broda (2004), and Jbili and Kramarenko (2003).
6
See Ghosh, Ostry, and Tsangarides (2010), and Ghosh, Qureishi, and Tsangarides (2013).
Figure 3.6 . Real and Nominal Volatility, 2000–12
1
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
1
Calculated as the average three-year rolling coefficient of variation for
the corresponding period of time.
0.00
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.10
0.12
0.14
0.16
0.18
Libya Yemen Jordan Morocco Tunisia Egypt
Terms of trade index
Broad money/GDP
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy for Stability, Growth, and Jobs
37
Structure of the economy
Undiversi ed resource-based economies bene t less from exchange
rate exibility than non-resource economies do. As argued above, in an
environment where the scope for expenditure switching between traded
and non-traded goods is limited, exchange rate changes have only a small
effect on external positions and growth. By contrast, the undiversi ed export
structure implies that export earnings may be volatile and may uctuate
with international commodity prices, which, under a exible exchange rate
regime, would lead to large swings in the exchange rate. In the upswing
of the commodity price cycle, this would lead to signi cant exchange rate
appreciation hindering countries’ efforts at economic diversi cation, and
would suggest that commodity windfalls would be spent rather than invested
abroad for future generations.
Recommendations
Based on these criteria, each country will need to weigh the pros and cons
of pegging versus exchange rate exibility on an individual basis. In ation
will need to be kept contained, and in ation expectations well anchored. At
the same time, a key near-term challenge is to safeguard aggregate demand
in the face of weak growth and necessary scal consolidation. In addition,
capital ows must be restored so as to reverse the decline in reserves. This
outcome would come from a credible monetary and exchange rate policy
that reduces the impact of real shocks, supports measures to increase
competitiveness, controls in ation, and thus lays out a path for stable and job-
creating growth. For countries that opt for greater exchange rate exibility,
this would require the establishment of a new anchor for monetary policy
and stepped-up technical capacity at the central bank, while pegging runs the
risk of a continued gradual buildup of vulnerabilities (including exchange rate
overvaluation and potentially increasing dollarization and balance sheet risks)
and implies the need to align scal policy more closely with macroeconomic
objectives.
Countries that opt to allow more exchange rate exibility may need to prepare
the ground. Central banks may need to build additional capacity, particularly
if they want to pursue in ation targeting (see below). Moreover, the presence
of adequate mechanisms for hedging foreign exchange risk for companies
and households would lessen the potentially negative impact of exchange rate
volatility, and suf ciently deep local capital markets could provide rms with
an alternative to debt issuance in foreign exchange.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
38
Monetary policy under exchange rate exibility
More exibility in exchange rates brings with it the opportunity for more
proactive monetary policy but requires a strong monetary anchor. For
example, during times when demand is cyclically weak, job creation and
economic activity can be boosted through monetary policy easing. For this
approach to be effective, however, a strong monetary policy framework is
needed to anchor in ation expectations.
Under a set of preconditions, in ation-targeting regimes would be best
suited to addressing monetary policy challenges. Although there has been
a general trend towards adopting in ation-targeting regimes, including in
emerging markets, such regimes also require more developed monetary policy
institutions and instruments. Indeed, Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia have
announced their intention to move toward in ation-targeting regimes once
the required institutional environment is complete. From the standpoint of
their varying degrees of progress, the ACTs would need to focus on four
main areas:
Central bank capacity and independence. In some countries, central bank
independence should be strengthened through amendments in the legal
framework: requiring the appointment of independent Board members,
and specifying adequate rules for central bank lending to government
and nancial institutions. In countries where the operational capacity of
the central bank is strong and independence is well established, there is
greater scope to move towards in ation targeting. This move will require
a solid understanding of the monetary policy transmission mechanism
and the ability of the central bank to pursue its in ation target
consistently. In ation targeting cannot operate effectively in cases where
scal dominance constrains monetary policy options.
Political support. There is often a tradeoff between output and in ation
goals, which may undermine the extent to which the central bank can
credibly achieve in ation targets. Broader political support for central
bank independence and the in ation target is essential.
Stable/low initial in ation. There are few situations where in ation targeting
has been successful when it was started in a high-in ation environment.
Policy transparency and communication. Improvements in communication—
through regular monetary policy reports, public statements and, possibly,
publication of the minutes of policymaking meetings—can help provide
policy transparency and support public accountability, which underpins
operational independence.
Monetary and Exchange Rate Policy for Stability, Growth, and Jobs
39
During the transitional phase, countries could adopt a monetary aggregate
as a target. Given the institutional and policy requirements, ACTs are not
yet in a position to adopt full- edged in ation-targeting regimes, though
some, like Morocco, are making signi cant progress in strengthening their
capacity. In the interim, countries could consider adopting a monetary
aggregate target (such as broad money) as the monetary anchor. Conventional
monetary targeting can be a useful disciplining tool for achieving monetary/
scal restraint and managing in ation in the early stages of stabilization
under a exible exchange rate. Countries that have or can gain higher policy
credibility, eliminate scal dominance, deepen nancial markets, and enhance
the analytical capabilities of central banks can transition towards more exible
regimes that supplement monetary targeting with some forward-looking
aspects needed for in ation targeting—but without necessarily publishing an
explicit in ation target in the initial stages.
For countries that opt for increased exchange rate exibility, policymakers
can address stakeholders’ resistance by empowering bene ciaries and
compensating losers. In addition to concerns about adverse macroeconomic
consequences, obstacles to increased exchange rate exibility may arise
from interest groups that have divergent views on the exchange rate regime,
level, and distributional effects, and from the governments’ institutional and
political strength to identify and tackle vocal interest groups. For example,
if food and energy are a large component of imports and the consumption
basket, consumers may be resistant to increased exibility because of the
uncertainty this would imply for their purchasing power. Addressing these
and other concerns requires a concerted effort by the authorities to empower
bene ciaries of reform, build coalitions, consider ways to compensate groups
that stand to lose, and sequence reforms with realistic timing ( Chapter 6 ).
40
CHAPTER
Bolstering Financial Stability
and Development
Financial systems in the ACTs could gain signi cantly from reforms that
foster nancial stability and development. Although banks are sizeable,
competition remains limited, with signi cant state ownership in many cases,
and credit is highly concentrated in a few large, well-connected borrowers.
The nonbank nancial sector remains underdeveloped. In consequence,
access to nance for most people and rms remains very limited, highlighting
the large potential gains from fostering inclusive nancial development. At the
same time, elevated levels of nonperforming loans (NPLs) in many banking
systems point to a needed focus on policy areas that help reinforce nancial
stability.
4
Figure 4.1 . Bank Credit is Large in Most ACTs
(Bank private credit to GDP, 2007–11 average; percent)
Source: World Bank Global Financial Development database.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
ACTs
EGY
JOR
LBY
MAR
TUN
YEM
MENA
World
East Asia and Pacific
Lan America & Caribbean
Europe & Central Asia
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
41
Banking systems are relatively large compared to other regions, with credit
concentrated in large, established companies. The ACTs compare well
with other countries in the world in the size of nancial intermediation, as
measured by credit to the private sector over GDP, except for Libya and
Yemen ( Figure 4.1 ). The average ratio of private sector credit to GDP is
higher than in other regions, and bank credit overshadows other sources of
nance. This nding is not surprising, given the large deposit bases and loan-
to-deposit ratios in general in the MENA region. However, credit remains
very concentrated in many countries, and its bene ts disproportionately go to
large companies (Barajas and others, 2013.)
Lack of access to nance is a major constraint for rms and households.
Only 7 percent of rms use banks to nance investment, by far the lowest
share among the world’s regions ( Figure 4.2 ); and more than 30 percent of
rms identify access to nance as a major constraint, a higher percentage
than in all other regions except sub-Saharan Africa ( Figure 4.3 ). In some
ACTs only a small share of adults have bank accounts ( Figure 4.4 ); this low
access to nance has been the result of a variety of factors, including poor
nancial infrastructure, weak banking competition, connected lending, and
underdevelopment of the nonbank nancial sector.
Many ACT banking systems suffer from elevated NPLs. Poor risk
management in banks, combined with weak nancial infrastructures, have
resulted in a higher ratio of NPLs compared to other regions; in some
countries it is also the result of a history of connected lending between
Figure 4.2 . Few Firms Use Bank Credit to Finance Investments
(Percent of firms using banks to finance investments, latest year available)
Source: World Bank Enterprise Surveys.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
EGY
JOR
MAR
YEM
MENA
World
East Asia & Pacific
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
Eastern Europe
ACTs
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
42
Figure 4.3 . Relatively Few People in the ACTs Maintain Bank Accounts
(Adults with an account at a formal financial institution to total adults, 2011; percent)
Source: The World Bank Global Financial Development database.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
EGY
JOR
MAR
TUN
YEM
MENA
World
East Asia and Pacific
Europe & Central Asia
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
Figure 4.4 . Access to Finance is a Major Constraint
(Percent of firms identifying access to finance as a major constraint, latest year available)
Source: World Bank Enterprise Surveys.
0
10
20
30
40
50
EGY
JOR
MAR
YEM
MENA
World
East Asia & Pacific
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
Eastern Europe
ACTs
state-owned banks and state-owned enterprises, and of the economic
downturn in the context of political transitions ( Figure 4.5 ).
T h e nancial infrastructure in the ACTs is weak. The ACTs still depend on
traditional public credit registries, and even the countries that have introduced
private credit bureaus are lagging behind other regions in coverage and
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
43
Figure 4.5 . Nonperforming Loans are High
(Nonperforming loans, 2013 or latest month or year available; percent)
Sources: IMF Financial Soundness Indicators database; World Bank Global
Financial Development database; and MCD high-frequency database.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Egypt
Jordan
Libya
Morocco
Tunisia
Yemen
MENA
World
East Asia and Pacific
Europe & Central Asia
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
Figure 4.6 . ACTs Rank Last in Legal Rights
(Strength of legal rights, latest year available; 0–10)
Source: World Bank, Doing Business.
0
2
4
6
8
EGY
JOR
MAR
TUN
YEM
MENA
East Asia & Pacific
Eastern Europe
Lan America & Caribbean
OECD high income
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
quality of information (Madeddu, 2010). In addition, the ACTs have severe
weaknesses in almost all components of collateral regimes: the region ranks
last in the area of credit rights as measured by the legal rights index of the
World Bank’s Doing Business indicators ( Figure 4.6 ). Insolvency regimes
suffer from the lack of ef cient exit mechanisms and protection for secured
creditors (Rocha and others, 2011b).
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
44
Bank competition is lower than in most emerging market regions (Anzoategui,
Martinez Peria, and Rocha, 2010). The ACTs have the largest bank
concentration in the world (as measured by the share in total assets of the
three largest banks in each country), sti ing competition ( Figure 4.7 ). Weak
Figure 4.7 . Bank Concentration is High
(Three largest banks, 2007–11, average; percent)
Sources: World Bank Global Financial Development database.
0
20
40
60
80
100
EGY
JOR
LBY
MAR
TUN
YEM
MENA
World
East Asia and Pacific
Europe & Central Asia
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
Figure 4.8 . Government Debt Markets Remain Underdeveloped
(Outstanding public debt securities to GDP, 2007–11 average; percent)
Sources: National authorities; and World Bank Global Financial Development
database.
¹Average for 2008–11.
0
20
40
60
80
EGY
JOR
MAR¹
TUN¹
YEM
MENA
World
East Asia and Pacific
Europe & Central Asia
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
45
competition is also explained by a weak credit culture, complicated licensing
requirements, and the dominant role of state-owned banks.
Nonbank nancial sectors remain underdeveloped in most ACTs. The
nancial landscape is dominated by the banking sector. The nonbank nancial
sector consists mainly of government bond markets and equities, with little
presence of private xed-income market or corporate issuers. The stock of
traded public bonds is sizable and constitutes an important instrument for
domestic portfolios ( Figure 4.8 ); however, government debt markets remain
underdeveloped, with scope for further deepening and improving market
liquidity and broadening the investor base. The stock of private xed-income
instruments is negligible; there is very little issuance of corporate bonds,
mortgage-backed securities, or other asset-backed securities. Thus there are
few alternatives to bank nancing for corporations and small and medium-
sized enterprises (SMEs).
Stock markets in some ACTs are large but have limited trading volume.
The average stock market size is large, as measured by the ratio of market
capitalization to GDP ( Figure 4.9 ). However, the amount of stocks
available for portfolio investment is small in many countries, as indicated
by the low free oat compared to international average, and re ects the
large number of family-controlled companies and concentrated ownership
structures in the region.
Capital markets are not supported by a solid domestic private institutional
investor base. The lack of private institutional investors (insurance companies,
Figure 4.9 . Stock Markets are Large in Some ACTs
(Stock market capitalization to GDP, 2007–11, average; percent)
Sources: World Bank Global Financial Development database.
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
EGY
JOR
MAR
TUN
MENA
World
East Asia and Pacific
Europe & Central Asia
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
46
mutual funds, and private pension funds) operating in capital markets is
one of the main hindrances to promoting the role of the capital market
in supporting growth ( Figure 4.10 ) and, combined with a large number
of uninformed small individual investors, a few high net worth individual
investors, and large state investors, raises questions about the quality of price
discovery (Rocha and others, 2011a).
In light of these trends and structural impediments, the ACTs need a bold
agenda for nancial access and stability. Starting points and reform needs
vary across countries, but there are a number of common areas for reform.
There is a clear need to expand access to nance, particularly for SMEs, to
enable entrepreneurial acivity and spur job-creating growth. Countries also need
to develop alternatives to bank nance, including private bond issuance. This
will further their economic development and, in countries where bank nancing
for the public sector limits the availability of private sector credit (see Chapter 2 ),
can help address a key bottleneck. Fostering Islamic nance will contribute
to the inclusion of wider segments of the population in the nancial system,
and thus help to build a more inclusive economic model. Finally, continued
improvements to nancial stability are needed to ensure stable economic
conditions for growth and job creation. The wide range of potential reform
areas suggests a need for careful prioritization and sequencing, and for a exible
approach so that reform opportunities can be seized as they arise.
The rewards of successful reform can be signi cant. Empirical estimates
show that raising access to nance to the world average could increase per
Figure 4.10 . Private Institutional Investors are Lacking in Some Countries
(Insurance company assets to GDP, 2007–2011 average; percent)
Source: World Bank Global Financial Development Database.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
EGY
JOR
MAR
TUN
MENA
High Income
East Asia and Pacific
Europe & Central Asia
Lan America & Caribbean
South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
ACTs
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
47
capita GDP growth by over 0.1 percent per annum on average for the MENA
region, and by substantially more in countries with high access constraints
(Bhattacharya and Wolde, 2010). Moreover, nancial development and
stability can signi cantly reduce income inequality and poverty, and potential
gains in these areas are much larger in the ACTs than in other regions in the
world (Ben Naceur and Zhang, forthcoming).
Expanding Access to Finance Through the Banking System
Strategies to enhance access to nance need to address shortcomings in
the banking system, which is expected to continue dominating the nancial
landscape in the coming years. The nancial infrastructure in the ACTs is much
weaker than in other regions, and bank competition is low. Addressing these
two priority areas could substantially improve access to nance and lending
for SMEs, strengthening equality of economic opportunity, and supporting
job-creating growth.
Strengthening the nancial infrastructure should include improving credit
information systems, enhancing collateral regimes, and reforming insolvency
regimes. There have already been improvements in credit information with
the introduction of private credit bureaus ( PCBs) in Egypt and Morocco, the
enacting of a customized credit reporting law in Jordan (in preparation for
creation of a PCB in 2014), and the upgrade of the public credit registry ( PCR)
in Tunisia. Nevertheless, more needs to be done to improve the coverage and
depth of credit information, especially for SMEs: data contribution in credit
reporting should be mandatory and should include all loans; positive and
negative data should be available; utilities and telecommunications providers
should be included; inquiry to the PCR or PCB should be mandatory before
granting credit; a National Identi cation Number (NID) system should to be
created for credit reporting purposes; and PCBs should be given incentives to
develop value-added services (such as credit scores and ratings of SMEs) (see
Maddedu, 2010).
Collateral regimes should be strengthened to improve creditor protection. The
legal and regulatory frameworks for secured transactions need to be improved
by allowing broad pools of assets to be accepted as collateral (e.g., receivables
and inventories), by simplifying the procedure for creating security interests
on movable assets, by developing modern electronic collateral registries, and
by strengthening enforcement mechanisms including the introduction of
effective out-of-court enforcement mechanisms (Alvarez de la Campa, 2011).
While considerable progress has been made on the legal front, insolvency
regimes in the ACTs remain underdeveloped. Only a few countries (such
as Morocco) have introduced an insolvency regime that gives priority to
corporate restructuring (Tahari and others, 2007). Considerable room
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
48
remains for modernizing bankruptcy and foreclosure proceedings.
More speci cally, bankruptcy should be decriminalized, liquidation
and reorganization procedures should be made more ef cient through
improved court functioning, and bankruptcy professionals need to be
better trained in the economics of distressed rms and commercial matters
(Uttamchandani, 2011).
Strengthening competition among banks will also be important, to create
better incentives for them to expand their lending. Strict entry requirements, a
weak credit information system, and lack of competition from capital markets
and the nonbank nancial system are among the main impediments to stronger
bank competition in the ACTs (Anzoategui and others, 2010). Enhancing
competition in the banking sector may require the review of licensing
requirements to ease bank entry (though without undermining the quality of
entrants), the removal of remaining barriers to entry for reputable foreign
nancial institutions (for example, green eld bank licenses have generally not
been granted (see the World Bank/IMF Tunisia Financial Sector Assessment
Program, 2012)); the development of nonbanking nance institutions and
capital markets (see below); the elimination of any preferential treatment in
the regulatory, supervisory, and tax treatment of public and private banks; the
reduction of loan concentration and connected lending through enhanced
prudential measures and additional capital requirements; a continuous effort to
promote nancial instrument transparency; and the creation of a competition
agency with the mandate of ensuring competition in the nancial sector.
The steady growth in Islamic banking during the past decade suggests
that it has started to move into the mainstream of the banking system.
The participatory nature of the Islamic banking business model helped to
minimize the adverse impact of the global nancial crisis on Islamic banks
(Hasan and Dridi, 2010). The prospects for Islamic banking are favorable,
with further growth expected, and Islamic banks are evolving rapidly in the
variety, distribution, and operational complexity of their products, to meet
the challenges of Shari’a compliance and competition. Some jurisdictions
have amended their regulatory systems to incorporate Islamic banking–related
legislation, to increase consumer con dence, and to create an environment
conducive to expansion and economic growth. Weaknesses persist in the
risk management framework for Islamic nancial institutions, however, and
their risk management capacities are in need of comprehensive overhaul
(Hasan and Dridi, 2010). Policymakers are advised to adopt Islamic banking
guidelines issued by industry associations, such as the Islamic Financial
Services Board (IFSB), International Islamic Financial Market, and the Basel
Committee on Banking Supervision, on quality and regulatory capitalization,
risk oversight, leverage ratios, and macro prudential buffers (IFSB, 2013).
Adopting new technologies, improving nancial literacy, and ensuring
consumer protection will also boost nancial inclusion. Introducing new
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
49
technologies in the nancial sector, such as mobile payment, mobile banking,
electronic credit information systems, and biometric identi cation systems,
can help lower the barriers to accessing nancial services. Improving nancial
literacy for the young and for those with lower levels of nancial education
can have measurable effects (Miller and others, 2013). Consumers will also
need to be protected, through more transparency and disclosure by lenders,
and through effective recourse mechanisms.
Beyond Banks: Diversifying the Financial System
Diversifying the nancial sector should focus on creating alternative sources
of nancing, particularly for SMEs, and improving the functioning and
liquidity of local capital markets. Towards that end, ACTs should develop
medium-term strategies for (i) deepening local bond markets and catalyzing
private issuance; (ii) expanding the institutional investor base, including the
pension and insurance industries; (iii) developing alternative instruments to
bank nancing, such as leasing and factoring, and promoting micro nance;
(iv) fostering the development of Sukuk (Islamic xed-income securities)
markets to meet the growing demand for new asset classes for diversi cation
purposes, with rigorous regulatory and supervisory frameworks in place. Over
the longer term, improving corporate governance and investor education will
contribute to attracting corporate issuers to the local bond and equity markets.
Deepening local bond markets and catalyzing private issuance
There is large potential for developing private bond issuance as an alternative
to bank nancing. Private xed-income markets are largely underdeveloped
within the ACTs, limiting the options of nancing and investment channels
(Rocha and others, 2011a). Corporate bond issuances within ACTs remain
small and, for the most part, limited to banks in countries like Morocco
and Tunisia, where they are used mainly to build up Tier 2 capital or for
compliance with regulations limiting maturity mismatches. Fixed-income
funds are very small, amounting to approximately US$15 billion, or
25 percent of total assets under management (Morocco and Tunisia). Private
xed-income instruments such as corporate bonds, corporate Sukuk, asset-
backed securities, mortgage-backed bonds, and covered-mortgage bonds can
be essential pillars, providing long-term nancing to the private sector and
diversifying the nancial sector.
Strategies to catalyze bond issuance should take a dual approach, pursuing both
domestic and regional market development initiatives. The limited pool of
savings and the underdeveloped institutional investor class (see above) pose
structural constraints for the market’s potential scale, liquidity, and ef ciency.
Because it takes time for institutional investors to develop, the strategy for
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
50
boosting private domestic bond issuance could be expanded or adapted to
include a regional dimension.
Near-term policies to strengthen domestic issuance of xed-income
instruments should focus on creating an enabling environment.
A sustainable macroeconomic environment, and stronger con dence in
the ACT economies, as discussed in previous chapters, will be necessary
preconditions. In addition, policymakers should identify priority areas for
encouraging corporate bond issuance, including (i) creating a benchmark
yield curve for government securities so as to improve pricing of corporate
bonds; (ii) increasing market ef ciency by setting up solid corporate
governance structures, including adopting global sound transparency and
disclosure practices to monitor risk; (iii) improving market infrastructure by
aligning primary market structures (for example, issuing process and listing
conditions) with the needs for ef cient secondary market operations (volume,
regular issuance, allocation) and building ef cient electronic platforms for
smoother market functions such as clearing and settlement; (iv) fostering a
skilled human resources and knowledge base for regulatory, supervisory, and
operational purposes by providing the necessary educational and technical
training; and (v) developing capacity-building programs for corporate issuers,
to strengthen the professional and competitive environment (Rocha and others,
2011a). Improving the supervision of large bank exposures and connected
lending, as well as adding capital requirements for banks with high credit
concentration, can help encourage large rms to issue bonds.
The ACTs should focus on putting in place the foundations for an active
government bond market as a catalyst for private issuance. Some countries
(Egypt, Jordan, Morocco) with large outstanding government securities
and regular issuance can build on good initial conditions. Further action
is required to improve market structure and secondary market liquidity,
including monetary policy implementation and liquidity management to
improve money market functioning; enhancements to the debt management
strategy and issuance practices; and measures to diversify the investor base,
including foreign participation. Key market shortcomings are found in the
maturity structure, auction calendars, concentration of demand, and lack
of liability management techniques. The maturity structure is generally
unbalanced and does not always cover key points on the yield curve. With
the exception of Egypt, countries do not comply with a predictable auction
calendar, resulting in irregular supply of instruments. The authorities in
other ACTs should prioritize building a reliable benchmark yield curve with a
regular issuance calendar.
A large and diversi ed investor base is important for ensuring high liquidity
and stable demand in the xed-income market. A heterogeneous investor
base, with different time horizons, risk preferences, and trading motives,
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
51
ensures active trading and stimulates liquidity, enabling the government
to execute its funding strategy under a wide range of market conditions.
Similarly, a diversi ed investor base will provide demand for privately issued
nancial instruments such as bonds and equities. Egypt and Jordan have
the least diversi ed investor bases, with banks and state-owned entities
holding more than 75 percent of issued debt (Rocha and others, 2011a).
Secondary markets are generally shallow, as a result of excess liquidity and
an undiversi ed investor base. Efforts to encourage the development of
insurance, pension, and mutual funds industries over the medium term are
necessary to diversify and improve the resilience of the nancial sector and to
make the best use of the signi cant amount of national saving in the region
( Figure 4.11 ). State insurance companies and pension funds dominate the
industries and limit competition and innovation.
Developing the insurance sector so it can play a role as institutional investor
can help to broaden the investor base. Egypt has made progress towards
allowing the entry of private companies and restructuring state insurers.
Upgrading the regulatory framework for insurance sectors is a priority,
because insurance supervisors lack adequate legal, administrative, or
budgetary independence. Financial Sector Assessment Programs have
identi ed several common weaknesses in supervisory practices, including
weak nancial reporting; weak corporate governance; problems with illegal
and excessive payments to agents and brokers; lack of consumer protection
mechanisms; and limited information available to the public (Egypt, Jordan,
and Morocco are notable exceptions).
Promoting the development of private pension funds will also help
strengthen the domestic investor base. Some countries have recently taken
Figure 4.11 . Potential for Developing the Investor Base
(National savings rate, 2013; percent of GDP)
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Morocco Libya Jordan Tunisia Egypt Yemen
EM average
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
52
steps toward this goal, including Egypt and Jordan; however, pension schemes
remain small and under-regulated. By contrast, public pension funds have
accumulated large reserves as a result of the young demographic pro le
of their populations. Accumulated reserves exceed 20 percent of GDP
in Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco. In many cases, asset management is not
outsourced to independent investment managers, and assets are largely held
in nontradable government bonds, resulting in their effective assimilation
into unfunded pension schemes (Egypt). In other countries, public pension
funds adopt conservative investment policies that include large holdings of
government securities and bank deposits, and restrict holdings of foreign
assets. In Jordan and Morocco, public pension funds seem to be adopting
more modern asset allocation strategies and have expanded their allocations to
equities, though investments in foreign assets are subject to low limits.
Over the medium term, a number of additional policy steps can be taken
toward development of an active xed-income market. These include:
1
Strengthening investor protection
(e.g., nancial and non nancial
institutions, pension funds, and mutual funds etc.) by building the
necessary comprehensive legal, regulatory, and supervisory framework, in
addition to developing a exible collateral system, is critical to mobilizing
resources and ensuring the development of a broader and deeper private
bond market (only Morocco and Tunisia have securitization laws).
Promoting investor awareness
by launching public awareness
campaigns to encourage investors to diversify their investment portfolios.
Building a strong asset management industry
to offer retail investors
the opportunity to penetrate the bond market at low cost.
Developing new investment products
such as mortgage-backed
securities, along with parallel development of derivative markets for risk
management purposes.
Gradually liberalizing capital account restrictions
to enable foreign
investors to enter and diversify the investor base and improve liquidity.
Exploring the potential for a regional bond market initiative could overcome
constraints to bond market growth in individual countries. Individual markets
are small, and a regional initiative could have the advantage of presenting
foreign investors with a uni ed set of rules, lowering their cost for market
entry. To support such an initiative, governments should consider
introducing standardized market rules and regulations and tax codes across the
1
See: Rocha and others, 2011a .
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
53
region; creating regional credit guarantee schemes; and allowing for regional
credit rating services and clearing and settlement associations (Parreñas and
Waller, 2006). Governments should also continue to relax the remaining
capital controls to support the regional capital market initiative. These steps
should be pursued in partnership with the private sector and in collaboration
with regional bodies and oil-exporting countries’ funds.
Strengthening alternative nancing instruments
Developing the leasing industry can help overcome some obstacles that hold
back bank lending and help SMEs gain access to nance. Leasing offers some
potential advantages over bank lending: leasing companies retain ownership
of the leased asset, overcoming some of the effects of weak creditor rights
that hinder commercial bank lending to SMEs; and leasing companies are
often established as joint ventures between equipment manufacturers and
nancial institutions, and bene t from the technical support of their founders.
Leasing should be particularly attractive for SMEs in ACTs, because these rms
do not have long credit histories or signi cant collateral. In addition, as an asset-
based nancing operation, leasing is inherently a Shari’a-compliant product.
Despite these potential advantages, the leasing industry is very small in the
region. In Tunisia, it accounts for about 10 percent of gross capital formation,
followed by Jordan and Morocco at less than 5 percent. That said, markets are
growing quickly in the ACTs, revealing strong demand for the product and
potential for further growth. The dominant types of leasers are banks and
bank-related institutions, because of their easier access to funding. Policies to
promote leasing should focus on strengthening the legal framework, including
the enforcement of contractual and proprietary rights, and improving the tax
framework to establish clear and neutral tax treatment.
Supporting venture capital and private equity can help innovation. Private
equity investment in MENA is very low at 0.05 percent of GDP (2012), well
below world averages (MENA Private Equity Association, 2013). To support
development of private equity and venture capital, ACT governments can
consider guarantee schemes for venture capital investment in startups; foster
collaboration between incubators, research and venture capital companies;
streamline the legal and tax systems to remove complications; reinforce the
protection of property rights; allow foreign investment in the industry; and
consider the creation of special public funds to alleviate the lack of funding in
the industry (OECD, 2006).
Bolstering micro nance
Strengthening micro nance could spur inclusive growth by providing
economic opportunity for the smallest businesses and the poor. Micro nance
is still limited in scale, reaching only 1.8 percent of the adult population
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
54
in the ACTs, about half the proportion in South Asia or Latin America.
It continues to be constrained by the absence of a clear regulatory and
supervisory framework, inadequate institutional models, and poor nancial
infrastructure (Pearce, 2011). Most micro nance institutions (MFIs) in the
ACTs are non-deposit-taking NGOs. In some countries, including Tunisia,
banks are restricted by interest caps that make microloans unpro table.
In most countries, MFIs are not included in the formal credit information
system. Reforms to promote micro nance should focus on developing a
nance company model for micro nance (allowing microcredit NGOs to
evolve into nance companies), increasing exibility for interest rate setting
for microcredit, moving micro nance under the umbrella of the nancial
regulator, strengthening consumer protections, and integrating micro nance
borrower information into credit bureaus (Rocha and others, 2011a).
Islamic Finance for Financial Deepening and Access
Some ACTs have signaled interest in developing Islamic nance.
2
These
countries face increased investor demand and rapid growth of Shari’a-
compliant products ( Figure 4.12 ). Developing nancial products along
Islamic principles encourages nancial intermediation for groups of
society that would otherwise not participate in the formal nancial system,
thereby fostering access to nance and an inclusive economic model. ACTs
have recently amended their existing nancial legal and regulatory systems
to incorporate a suitable legislative environment for Islamic nance,
including Sukuk capital markets. Libya is taking a different approach by
requiring the complete conversion to a full- edged Islamic nance system
by 2015.
Integrating Islamic nance instruments into the existing nancial system
remains a challenge. Developing additional dynamic investment products
requires concerted efforts over a period of time to create suf cient depth
and liquidity for the new instruments, and to educate investors about
the associated risks. Most Islamic nance contracts like Sukuk securities
share some operational similarities to these of conventional bonds. Such
resemblance is embedded in the characteristics of issuance, coupon payments,
redemption procedures, and default clauses. It is important to guard against
market fragmentation with too many instruments, given the thin instrument
liquidity and narrow investor base in most ACTs. The Islamic nance
industry is becoming a mainstream asset class: its regulatory and supervisory
2
Based on Shari’a laws, in Islamic finance, transactions are based on the principle of profit and loss sharing;
interest payment ( Riba ) and trading in financial risk products ( Gharar ) such as derivative products are prohibited.
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
55
frameworks in areas such as regulation, accounting, governance, and
infrastructure are still being developed, including ensuring that the investment
products are actually Shari’a-compliant and only mimic conventional products
to target nancial institutional investors.
A number of policies can help provide investors with a stable asset class. Over
time, it is advisable to develop a comprehensive regulatory and supervisory
framework for Islamic nance products, to support sound market growth and
guard against risks to nancial stability. Improving the transparency of the
underlying asset structure and clarifying the legal framework and investors’
rights would facilitate accurate valuation, pricing, and credit rating mechanisms
in case of liquidation or restructuring. In addition, policymakers should focus
on boosting supervisory capacity and introducing supporting policies such
as: (i) standardizing products and unifying specialized Shari’a committee
rulings on the compliance of Islamic nance contracts with Shari’a law, to
minimize legal uncertainty among investors; (ii) considering how Shari’a-
compliant products would be integrated into the existing nancial system and
operations of nancial institutions; (iii) reviewing existing tax codes to ensure
equal treatment of Islamic nance products and conventional nance; (iv)
integrating Islamic nance into dealership systems and electronic clearing for
speedy and cost-ef cient operation, to reduce cost and risk; (v) developing a
robust and ef cient liquidity management framework to help Islamic nancial
institutions in performing funding and investment activities; and (vi) cultivating
skilled human resources and the knowledge base, as Islamic nance involves a
mixture of specialized quali cation in legal, Shari’a, and nancial expertise.
Safeguarding the Stability of the Financial System
Reinforcing systems to safeguard nancial stability is a high priority.
Promoting nancial development and access to nance will strengthen growth
Figure 4.12 . Global Assets of Islamic Finance Have Grown
(Billions of U.S. dollars)
Source: The Banker , Ernst & Young, 2013.
509
677
861
933
1130
1289
0
500
1000
1500
2006 07 08 09 10 11
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
56
potential and promote equal economic opportunity, but the economic woes
that have followed in the wake of the Arab Spring have highlighted the need
to remain vigilant and support nancial stability. There are four main areas
in which the ACTs can enact improvements: macroprudential regulation
and supervision, nancial safety nets and crisis management systems,
microprudential regulation and supervision, and bank governance rules.
Macroprudential regulation and supervision
Macroprudential policy must deploy a range of tools to address aggregate
weakness and mitigate systemic risk. The authorities should tailor speci c
macroprudential instruments to their particular vulnerabilities. Some tools
can address the buildup of aggregate risks over time: these include dynamic
capital buffers that require banks to set aside money to cover loan losses in
good times; varying sectoral risk weights to cover new loans in sectors that are
building up excessive risks; loan-to-value ratios to reduce systemic risk from
boom-bust episodes in real estate markets; and measures to limit exposure to
foreign currency lending.
Effective macroprudential policies require adequate institutional underpinnings.
These need to take into account country-speci c circumstances and differences
in institutional capacity. The arrangements should foster effective identi cation
of developing risks; provide strong incentives to take timely and effective
action to counter those risks; and facilitate coordination across policies that
affect systemic risk (Nier and others, 2011). To achieve these goals, complex
and excessively fragmented structures should be avoided.
Financial safety nets and crisis management
Re ning the current model of nancial safety nets and crisis management
would help reduce moral hazard. By effectively not allowing banks to fail,
the current approach has guaranteed the stability of the nancial system, but
it has reduced the incentives for private monitoring of the health of nancial
institutions. The framework would therefore bene t from a number of
enhancements to strengthen market discipline.
Modernizing deposit insurance will be an important element. A well-designed,
explicit limited-coverage deposit insurance system (DIS) can promote market
discipline and protect small depositors from losses. There are four DISs in the
ACTs: a pure pay-box system
3
under central bank management in Morocco
3
A pure pay-box system has three basic roles: premium collection, fund management, and depositor
reimbursement. This system assumes no significant role in bank resolution and the disposition of failed insured
institutions (IADI, 2007).
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
57
and Libya, and operationally independent systems in Jordan and Yemen.
Although the essential design of the explicit DISs in the ACTs is largely in line
with the International Association of Deposit Insurers (IADI) core principles,
there are some divergences that need to be addressed. Tunisia and Egypt need
to transition from blanket government guarantees to a properly designed
explicit limited-coverage DIS, preferably at a time when the macroeconomic
environment is stable and the banking sector is sound. The reform of existing
DISs should mainly focus on transforming the pure pay-box system into
an effective tool for resolution, reinforcing the legal protection of those
working in DISs, providing backup funding for the DIS (for example, a
credit line with the government), adequately covering the large majority of
small depositors, and moving from a at-rate premium system to a risk-
based one.
The introduction of special resolution regimes could be useful for the
prompt and orderly resolution of failed banks. These regimes should allow
banking authorities to take control of a bank at an early stage of its nancial
dif culties, to use a wide array of instruments to deal with a failing bank
without the consent of shareholders (e.g., acquisition by a sound nancial
institution; creation of a bridge bank; partial transfer of deposits and assets to
a “good bank”); specifying a regulatory threshold for initiating the resolution
process; and establishing nancial stability as its main objective (Cihak
and Nier, 2009). Steps also need to be taken to introduce an effective crisis
management framework in which a memorandum of understanding should
de ne the respective roles of the Ministry of Finance and the supervisory
authorities during a systemic crisis. Conducting periodic simulation exercises
would help prepare all stakeholders to intervene coherently during an
unexpected crisis. It can be also helpful to put in place a coordinating
committee that will be in charge of crisis preparedness activities during
normal times and in charge of crisis management during a crisis.
Modalities for emergency liquidity assistance should be strengthened
and separated from monetary operations. The central bank should stand
ready to promptly provide funds to solvent but illiquid banks secured by
acceptable collateral. A haircut system should be introduced for loans to
be used as collateral in the central bank re nancing operation. Emergency
liquidity assistance should be more expensive than other instruments, to
encourage banks to rst look for funding from other sources (IMF Staff
Report for the 2013 Article IV Consultation with Tunisia).
Microprudential regulation and supervision
Implementing effective risk-based supervision and enhancing the capacity
and resources of supervisors remain a priority and a challenge. Capital
requirements should better re ect individual institutions’ risk pro les as
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
58
well as macroeconomic risks. This requires progress towards risk-based
supervision to de ne additional capital requirements. Supervisors should work
towards adopting relevant Basel standards in a timely manner, and consider
introducing a capital conservation buffer in line with Basel III.
Several countries, among them Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco, have made
progress in bringing supervision into line with international standards.
Risk-based supervision requires a transition from focusing on regulatory
compliance to understanding and assessing banking groups’ risk pro les
and strategies, and taking appropriate supervisory actions in response. This
transition generally calls for new supervisory methodologies, allowing for risk
prioritization of on-site inspections and structured off-site risk analyses; a
better understanding of the environment in which banks operate; adequate
resources and staff able to understand, identify, and quantify risk; and
effective coordination between offsite and onsite supervision.
Policies should aim at reducing credit concentration. Credit concentration
is a shared characteristic that to some extent re ects economic structures, but
it should be gradually reduced to ensure banks’ stability and encourage
competition and access to nance for SMEs. Supervisors should aim to
reduce the concentration of credit portfolios by gradually tightening limits
on credit concentration, and by subjecting banks that are exposed to high
credit concentration risk to additional capital requirements. Banks should
also be required to improve their risk management frameworks and apply
international best practices for loss reporting, collateral valuation, and
provision for NPLs.
Extension of the perimeter of prudential regulation will be increasingly
important. As nancial systems become more diverse and complex, the
current focus on banking sector regulation and supervision will need
to be broadened. International experience shows that focusing on bank
regulation is not a suf cient instrument to capture systemic risks (Carvajal
and others, 2009). These considerations argue for the allocation of more
resources for regulatory authorities of nonbank nancial institutions,
and for enhancing coordination among supervisors. Coordination is also
essential to prevent regulatory arbitrage as nancial systems become more
diverse and complex.
Bank corporate governance
Building on recent progress, improving bank corporate governance is an
essential component of the nancial sector reform program. De ciencies in
bank corporate governance arrangements can pose systemic risks to the real
economy. ACT banks have made substantial progress in corporate governance
Bolstering Financial Stability and Development
59
over the past decade: setting up board committees (audit, accounting, and risk
management); separating the CEO and the chairman positions; diversifying
the composition of boards; setting up banking-sector-speci c corporate
governance (Egypt, Morocco, Yemen); and introducing guidelines and
regulation by supervisors (on the composition of the board, disclosure, risk
management, and connected lending).
There is still ample room for improvement, and signi cant challenges arise
for the implementation of reforms. Legislation and regulation on corporate
governance exist in most countries but their implementation is lagging
because supervisory authorities are weak. Audit committees are created by
banks, but they lack an adequate proportion of independent directors. Risk
committees are generally in place, but only at the management level.
Bank boards should be strengthened to include independent directors and
members experienced in banking and nance issues. Results of an OECD-
Hawkamah survey suggest that boards in the ACTs should have a majority of
well-quali ed independent or non-executive directors. Banking supervisors
need to de ne directors’ duties concretely and make sure that directors ful ll
their functions properly. The performance of board members should be
regularly evaluated. Board committees should receive adequate information
within the bank and be conducted by independent directors with clearly
de ned duties.
Improvements are needed in risk management and disclosure. Risk
management needs to be improved in most ACT banks, and requires creating
the position of chief risk of cer (CRO), with adequate powers, who reports
directly to the board and alerts it to existing or emerging risks. Boards should
have a committee that establishes the salary structure for all bank employees
and board members. Although nancial disclosure in the ACTs is largely of
good quality, non nancial disclosure remains weak and needs to be improved,
particularly in areas of basic ownership structure, the quali cations of board
members and their attendance at board and board committees, and related-
party transactions.
ACTs need a strategy for governance of state-owned banks. Although during
the past two decades the ACTs implemented comprehensive privatization
programs that included banks, during the past two decades, state-owned banks
still maintain a large share of total banking assets in most ACT countries
(Egypt, Libya, Tunisia). Countries should develop a vision for the role of
public banks and reduce ownership where government participation has no
clear and justi able objective. In this context, privatization should not be the
only option for state-owned bank reform, and ACT countries should consider
developing and implementing corporate governance standards for their state-
owned banks. Above all, state-owned banks should have clear objectives and
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
60
performance criteria to allow for greater political autonomy and for enhanced
monitoring. Boards should include independent members with relevant skills
to approve and oversee the bank’s strategic decisions and the choice of senior
executives. Finally, to reinforce competition, bank supervisors should regulate
and supervise state-owned banks just as they regulate and supervise private
banks.
61
CHAPTER
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating,
Private Sector–led Growth
The ACTs have contended for years with structural economic challenges.
Many have moved over time from state-led economies to systems relying
more on private sector–led growth. Nonetheless, competition in domestic
markets and economic integration with the rest of the world remained
limited, public sector employment stayed much larger than in other regions
in the world, and the ACTs were unable to unleash the same economic
dynamism that helped to raise productivity growth and lead the economic
transformation in emerging markets and developing countries in other regions
(Lipton, 2004, 2012). As a result, per capita growth was lagging behind
other regions even before the onset of transitions in 2011 ( Figure 5.1 ). In
addition, there was a growing sense that the bene ts of economic growth
were largely captured by the well-connected, while large groups of people felt
marginalized. Not enough jobs were created for a growing population, leading
to high unemployment and low labor force participation ( Figure 5.1 ) (IMF, 2010).
Current demographic trends in the ACTs require a heightened focus on
growth and job creation. Demographic pressures suggest that unemployment
will remain high in the oil-importing ACTs unless growth accelerates above
6 percent. Under current baseline projections for GDP growth of around
4¼ percent in these countries through 2018, fewer than 5 million jobs
will be created, compared with about 7 million jobs needed to reduce the
unemployment rate halfway to the average of emerging markets (that is,
to about 8½ percent). To close this gap of 2¼ million jobs would require
an average annual growth rate of 6¼ percent, considering the currently
insuf cient responsiveness of employment to growth. Because generating
such high growth will be dif cult, a focus on increasing the responsiveness of
employment to growth is also needed. A strong commitment to creating an
environment where the private sector can generate high, sustainable, and more
job-creating growth will thus be required to improve labor market outcomes
and unlock the ACTs’ economic potential.
5
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
62
As the political transitions are progressing, countries need to focus on
laying out plans for structural economic reform that will provide a vision
for revitalizing the economy. Strategies will vary with each country’s
different starting points and goals; and many countries, including Jordan,
Morocco, and Tunisia, can build on earlier successful economic reform
programs. All need to aim for higher, sustained, private sector–led growth,
which requires more private investment ( Figure 5.2 ) and higher productivity.
Governments should strive to engineer an environment conducive to
private sector–led growth, while ensuring adequate regulation for its
Figure 5.2 . More Investment is Needed to Support Growth
(National investment rate; percent of GDP)
Sources: National authorities; and IMF staff calculations.
1
Highest real GDP growth quartile among EMs.
16
20
24
28
32
2004 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13
ACT avg.
EM avg.
High growth EMs¹
Figure 5.1 . Lagging Growth and High Unemployment
Source: IMF World Economic Outlook; World Bank World Development Indicators; and United Nations
International Labor Organization.
EGY
JOR
MAR
YEM
TUN
ACT
EMDC
LBY
MENA
World
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
0246
Private Investment (percent of GDP)
Real GDP per capita (annual percent change)
Real GDP Per Capita Growth and Private Investment,
2001–10
Beer
EGY
JOR
MAR
YEM
TUN
ACT
EMDC
World
MENA
30
40
50
60
70
0 5 10 15 20
Labor force parcipaon rate
Unemployment rate
Beer
Unemployment and Labor Force Parcipaon, 2001–10
(Percent)
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
63
ef cient functioning, so that the economy can move from rent-seeking to
the creation of economic value and jobs. The ACTs themselves must drive
these transition agendas, but it is crucial that the international community
support them with adequate nancing, improved access to key export
markets, and policy advice.
Bold reform agendas are needed to propel private sector activity and foster
a more dynamic, competitive, and inclusive economy. Taking into account
different country circumstances, reforms will broadly need to focus on four
areas: greater global and regional trade integration; business and investment
climate reforms to simplify doing business and enhance governance; labor
market and education system reform to ensure productive employment and
generation of human capital; and ef cient safety nets to protect the poor
and vulnerable. These efforts need to be supported by a strong statistical
base that allows for ef cient policymaking and monitoring. With a wide
eld for potential reforms and limited implementation capacity, countries
will need to prioritize their reform efforts. Full implementation will take a
number of years, and early steps in areas with high payoffs are needed to
build momentum and signal governments’ commitment to reform, thereby
improving con dence (Yusuf, 2014). Country reform agendas will also need
to consider sectoral priorities for targeted growth strategies, while being
mindful of the perils of attempting to pick winners.
Boosting Trade
In recent decades, trade has not been a signi cant engine of growth for
ACTs. Merchandise exports as a share of GDP are signi cantly below
the average of emerging market and developing countries, and the gap has
widened over time ( Figure 5.3 ). As global growth has shifted toward emerging
markets, longstanding close links with Europe—particularly among North
African countries ( Figure 5.4 )—have meant that the region has bene tted
relatively little from the high growth of emerging markets, particularly in
Asia. Exports have also been inhibited in some cases by overvalued exchange
rates ( Chapter 3 ). Although countries (especially Morocco and Tunisia)
have streamlined and lowered their tariffs, these remain high, and there are
also signi cant non-tariff barriers ( Figure 5.5 ). Partly because of high trade
barriers between the ACTs, intraregional trade is very low ( Figure 5.6 ). Vested
interests from monopolistic or oligopolistic structures that provide rents to
in uential bene ciaries have often led to a political economy that has not been
conducive to comprehensive trade liberalization.
Progress toward transitioning into knowledge-intensive business services
and other higher-value-added areas has remained limited. The share of more
technologically advanced and higher-value-added capital goods in total exports
is small and remains below the average for low-income countries. This mirrors
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
64
trends in the broader MENA region, where, according to recent estimates,
exports are only a third of their potential, and aggregate intra-industry trade,
an indicator of trade in differentiated goods and participation in supply
chains, is lower than in Africa and all other regions (Behar and Freund, 2011).
Deeper trade integration could provide a signi cant boost to the regions
economies. Empirical evidence suggests that raising the MENA regions
openness to the level of emerging Asian countries could increase GDP
growth by as much as a full percentage point (IMF, 2010). Deeper trade
Figure 5.3 . Large Potential for Higher Exports
(Merchandise exports; percent of GDP)
Sources: National authorties; and IMF staff calculations.
1
Excluding Libya.
6
8
10
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
1996–98 2006–8 2010–12
ACTs¹
Emerging and developing
Difference
Figure 5.4 . Strong Trade Links with Europe
(Exports to Europe, 2012)
Sources: National authorties; and IMF staff calculations.
Percent of total exports
Percent of GDP
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Libya Tunisia Morocco Egypt Jordan Yemen
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
65
Figure 5.6 . Intraregional Share of Exports and Stock of Foreign Direct Investment
(2011 or latest available, percent)
Sources: ASEAN; MERCOSUR; IsDB; UNCTAD; Arab Investment
and Export Credit Guarantee Corporation; and national sources.
Exports
Foreign direct investment
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
Maghreb Mercosur Asean-5 Mashreq+GCC
integration would not only create growth and jobs through direct effects
on exports; it could also catalyze productivity-enhancing inward FDI.
Experience from Central Europe, for example, underscores that integration
into international supply chains can generate signi cant green eld investment.
In addition, empirical studies show that larger markets are more successful in
attracting FDI; this would be another bene t of regional integration (IMF,
2013a). The drive toward deeper trade integration can also help catalyze
Figure 5.5 . Significant Trade Barriers
(Trade barriers, 2013)
Source: World Economic Forum, Global Competitiveness Report 2013–14.
1
Scaled from 1–7, with 7 being the least restrictive.
2.0
2.4
2.8
3.2
3.6
4.0
4.4
4.8
5.2
5.6
6.0
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
Egypt
Tunisia
Morocco
Jordan
Yemen
ACTs
EM
Trade tariffs, percent
Prevalence of trade barriers¹ (right scale)
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
66
reform efforts in other areas (such as business regulation and labor market
reform) that are important for successful trade integration. The move
toward greater integration into the global economy could thus help provide
discipline and incentives to enact broader reforms aimed at strengthening
competitiveness.
Deeper trade integration will require better access to advanced economy
markets. For instance, the EU’s high tariffs, quota restrictions, and farm
subsidies remain a signi cant impediment to agricultural exports to the EU,
and substantial non-tariff barriers to trade with the EU persist in the area of
standards and conformity assessments. Existing agreements with the EU also
do not provide for liberalization in trade in services. The EU could deepen
its trade relationships with the ACTs through effective implementation of
the proposed Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTA). As this
process will take time, immediate steps should include providing better access
for agricultural products (the EU has already adopted an agreement with
Morocco to that end) and dismantling non-tariff barriers. The United States
could deepen its existing trade agreements with Jordan and Morocco, and
enter into free trade agreements with the remaining ACTs.
More trade integration with the EU and the United States will become especially
important in the period ahead in light of the planned Transatlantic Trade and
Investment Partnership (TTIP). The TTIP, a planned agreement between the
United States and the EU, is expected to generate strong economic bene ts
overall but could have negative effects on ACT exports and jobs because of
expected trade diversion to countries inside the TTIP (Felbermayr and others,
2013), unless accompanied by better access for ACTs to EU and U.S. markets.
To fully reap the bene ts of integrating into global trade, a broader opening
to trade will be required. Many countries, including Morocco and Tunisia, are
strongly committed to further opening their trade regimes. All ACTs should
strive to reduce their non-tariff barriers and, building on past efforts, consider
further liberalizing their tariffs. They should also aim to diversify trade toward
fast-growing emerging markets and higher-value-added goods. They could also
better exploit the opportunities presented by global value chains, by removing
import barriers for their exporting industries. Increased regional integration
that would result from lowering non-tariff barriers and harmonizing policies
would also help the ACTs’ prospects for integration into global value chains.
The removal of import barriers will need to be implemented in a well-planned
manner, as the risk of negative short-term effects on affected industries
underscores the need for adequate social protection. Losses in budgetary
revenues stemming from lower tariffs would also need to be compensated by
increases in other revenues or expenditure cuts.
Trade facilitation policies also play an important role. Trade facilitation
measures can include the simpli cation of customs requirements, rules and
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
67
procedures, and upgrading logistics. These measures, which would also be
supported by the EU in the context of DCFTAs, are gaining importance in
a world of global value chains. Better logistics, in particular, have been shown
to promote exports. By one estimate, an improvement in Egypt’s logistics
quality to Tunisia’s level could increase Egypt’s exports by 12 percent (Behar,
Manners, and Nelson, 2013). Morocco has shown a large improvement in this
respect through investment in port infrastructure (including the expansion
of Tanger-Med to become the largest port in Africa) and in thinning out
obstructive procedures ( Figure 5.7 ). ACTs could also provide training for
small exporters and new entrants on navigating the variety and complexity
of rules governing trade, including standards and certi cation procedures.
Increased assistance from state overseas marketing agencies in identifying
export market opportunities and gathering relevant market intelligence would
be a considerable asset, especially for smaller companies.
A number of other export-promotion policy options can be considered.
These include export credits and insurance/guarantee schemes at below-
market rates (within the boundaries of existing trade agreements), transparent
tax concessions on earnings and pro ts, targeted subsidies for nontraditional
exports, duty drawback provisions on imported inputs, and subsidies for
freight and transshipment fees to export markets. While these can help
support exports, they would need to be implemented in a transparent way in
order to preempt possible governance issues.
Recalibrating Business Regulation
The ACTs are encumbered with a legacy of complex and burdensome
business regulations. Egypt, for example, has catalogued 36,000 regulations
Figure 5.7 . Improvements from Trade Facilitation in Morocco
(Time to export and import; days)
Time to export
Time to import
17
13
11
30
19
17
16
8
12
16
20
24
28
32
2005 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
Source: World Bank Doing Business indicators.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
68
affecting the private sector, many of which overlap, originating from—and
implemented by—different parts of government (Amin and others, 2012).
The results are often lengthy, expensive, and complicated procedures for
starting and operating businesses: an average of 22 percent of rms in the
ACTs perceive business licensing and permits as a major constraint to their
activities, by far the highest share among the world’s regions, though the share
is substantially lower in Morocco ( Figure 5.8 ).
1
In addition to constraining entrepreneurial activity and private investment,
complex and burdensome regulation is also conducive to informality and
corruption. The informal sector is larger than in other middle-income
countries, with estimates ranging from 26 percent to 44 percent (IMF, 2011d).
Opportunities for business growth and investment are more limited in the
informal sector, and many workers have little or no social protection or
employment bene ts. Most countries in the region fare poorly on global
governance rankings—increasingly so over the past decade ( Figure 5.9 ).
Corruption is a major concern, with more than half of rms in the MENA
region having experienced bribe payment requests, a much higher share than
in any other region in the world.
2
Unclear rules and discretion in business regulation have also limited enterprise
creation and turnover. Firms in the MENA region tend to be substantially
older than in other emerging market and developing countries, and only the
1
World Bank Enterprise Surveys (http://www.enterprisesurveys.org).
2
Ibid.
Figure 5.8 . Business Licensing and Permits are Major Constraints
1
(Percent)
Source: World Bank Enterprise Surveys 2006–11.
1
Percent of firms identifying business licensing and permits as a major
constraint.
0
10
20
30
40
50
JOR
EGY
MAR
YMN
E. Asia/Pac.
EE&CA
LATC
MENA
OECD
S. Asia
SSA
World
ACT average
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
69
East Asia/Paci c region has fewer registered rms per capita (World Bank,
2009). High barriers to entry and protected markets constrain competition
and, consequently, growth and employment.
There is a widespread perception in the region that the private sector is
rent-seeking and corrupt. In addition, of cials are often perceived as being
selective in improving the investment climate for the bene t of a few well-
connected rms, families, and institutions (World Bank, 2009).
Countries have already taken action. A drive for regulatory reform in the
ACTs, that had begun prior to the transitions, has helped raise business
entry rates, private investment and FDI; many ACTs are now relatively well-
positioned in the World Bank’s Doing Business rankings, considering their
levels of per capita income ( Figure 5.10 ).
3
There is, however, much room for
improvement. Since the onset of the transitions, reform efforts have been
mixed, with some countries falling back in the rankings, and others renewing
efforts at reviewing regulations ( Figure 5.11 ). Morocco, in part through
the efforts of its Comité National de l’Environnement des Affairs (CNEA), was
named the country with the most improved business regulations in the World
Bank’s 2012 Doing Business rankings. Reforms since 2011 have included, for
example, a reduction in the minimum capital requirement and fees for starting
a business in Jordan and Morocco, and enhanced electronic ling options for
tax documents in Morocco.
Sustained and intensi ed efforts are needed. There is an urgent need to
accelerate the reform process, which is key to job creation in the medium
3
World Bank Doing Business Indicators.
Figure 5.9 . Governance and Corruption are Increasingly Serious Concerns
(Percentile, 2000 and 2012)
Source: World Bank, Worldwide Governance Indicators.
38
40
42
44
46
48
50
52
Government
Effecveness
Regulatory
Quality
Rule of Law Control of
Corrupon
Beer governance
ACTs 2000 average
ACTs 2012 average
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
70
Figure 5.10 . Doing Business Rankings Improve with Income
Sources: IMF World Economic Outlook; World Bank Doing Business 2014 ;
and IMF staff calculations.
1
2013.
Note: Countries with PPP GDP pc above $25,000 have been excluded.
EGY
JOR
MOR
TUN
YMN
0
40
80
120
160
200
0 5,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000
Doing Business Ranking
1
PPP GDP per Capita (2013, billions of U.S. dollars)
Figure 5.11 . Doing Business Reform Efforts Have Been Set Back
(Number of Doing Business reforms)
Source: World Bank Doing Business 2008–14.
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
2007 08 09 10 11 12 13
YMN
TUN
MAR
JOR
EGY
term. In particular, it is essential to create systems of checks and balances
in national and regional institutions to prevent the exercise of excessive
discretion and nontransparent intervention. The experience of East Asia,
for example, shows that countries that were effective in creating accountable,
rules-based institutions were signi cantly more successful at generating
economic growth than countries where institutions remained subject to
arbitrary intervention by political leaders and public of cials (World Bank,
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
71
2009). Moreover, policymakers will need to strengthen incentives for the large
informal sector to integrate with the formal economy. However, despite such
efforts, the informal economy will remain large over the medium term, and
policymakers should also increasingly focus on raising productivity in the
informal sector as such.
Institutional and regulatory reforms should aim at:
Reducing the scope for discretion
, by, for example, reducing the
number of administrative steps in interactions with businesses and
orienting interactions toward electronic processes.
Improving transparency and access to information
, to promote
accountability of public institutions.
Strengthening the autonomy of institutions from the executive and
political leaders
, to help reduce undue interference.
Putting in place independent evaluation of the performance of
institutions.
Strategies to reform business regulation should focus on removing the
barriers to entry and exit. Entry requirements—such as sector-ministry
approval, that give of cials substantial discretion over which investors to
favor or exclude—should be reviewed and based on clear and transparent
rules. Similarly, high minimum capital requirements and restrictions on
foreign ownership should be relaxed, unless they re ect a particular
regulatory concern. In addition, the focus of reform efforts should be
on removing dif culties to exit, including modern bankruptcy codes that
decriminalize business failure.
Countries should place special emphasis on providing an enabling
environment for SMEs and startups. Given the importance of SMEs’
contribution to output and employment in the ACTs, special focus on
providing an enabling environment for them will be needed. For startups,
in addition to an enhanced emphasis on access to nance ( Chapter 4 ),
countries should aim at building a broader ecosystem that helps young
entrepreneurs progress and gain a foothold in the economy.
Improving Labor Markets and Education
Labor markets face substantial problems. The ACTs’ high rates of
unemployment are compounded by signi cant demographic pressures as
more of the young population enters the labor market (Ahmed, Guillaume,
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
72
and Furceri, 2012) ( Figure 5.12 ). Youth unemployment is high, ranging
from 18 percent to 30 percent in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Tunisia. In
Egypt, the share of rst-time job seekers nding employment in a formal job
dropped from 80 percent in the 1970s to 30 percent in the mid-2000s, and
those entering the labor force in a public sector job do so after having spent
an average 2.3 years in unemployment (Amin and others, 2012).
Source: World Bank Enterprise Surveys 2006–11.
1
Percent of firms identifying each item as a major constraint.
World
Dev. Eco.
and EU
C. and S.E. Eur.
E. Asia
S.E. Asia
LAC
MENA
SSA
Jordan
Egypt
Morocco
Tunisia
Yemen
ACT
1
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
Youth unemployment rate
Total unemployment rate
Beer
Figure 5.12 . Excess Labor Regulations and Education Mismatches
1
(Percent)
Figure 5.13 . Large Total and Youth Unemployment
(Rates by region, 2012; percent)
Sources: International Labor Organization; national authorities; and IMF
staff calculations.
1
Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen.
Note: EE&CA = Eastern Europe and Central Asia; SSA = Sub-Saharan Africa.
Beer
JOR
EGY
MAR
YMN
E. Asia/Pac.
EE&CA
LAC
MENA
OECD
S. Asia
SSA
World
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Inadequately educated workforce
Labor regulaons
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
73
Women face particular problems entering the formal labor market and securing
employment. In Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia, only about a
quarter of adult women are in the labor force compared to 70–80 percent
labor participation rates among men (AfDB, 2012b).
4
Recent analysis shows
that, for the broader MENA region, if the gap in female labor participation
during the last decade had been double instead of triple the average gap in
emerging markets, the region could have gained $1 trillion in cumulative
output, doubling GDP growth (IMF, 2013d).
The roots of the problems vary across countries, but a number of common critical
factors have been identi ed in labor markets and education. These include: sti ing
labor market regulations; the dominance of the public sector as employer of rst
and last resort; and education systems that do not deliver an adequate skill mix.
Rigid labor market regulations
discourage rms from hiring. Enterprise
surveys show that 23 percent of rms in the MENA region perceive
labor regulations as a major constraint, by far the highest share among
the world’s regions ( Figure 5.13 ). A survey of manufacturing rms in
Egypt found that 24 percent would increase their hiring in the absence
of restrictions, while only 3 percent would re workers (AfDB, 2012b).
Regulations affecting layoffs of workers are particularly restrictive in
the region. In Tunisia, for example, rules and procedures for laying off
workers for economic and technological reasons are complex and rarely
used (AfDB, 2012a). As a result, economic activity is diverted to the
informal sector, where workers do not enjoy the same level of protection.
Empirical estimates show that labor market rigidities can explain nearly
30 percent of the size of the informal economy in the ACTs (IMF, 2011d).
The dominance of the public sector in the labor market
( Figure 5.14 )
has introduced distortions by affecting the structure of unemployment
and the supply of skills through the education system. The (implicit
and explicit) employment guarantees in government hiring, and
mismatched salary expectations resulting from generous civil service
pay scales and bene ts, have led to market segmentation and excess
demand for public sector jobs ( Figure 5.15 ).
The education system’s strong focus on formal quali cations for
entry into the civil service
has meant that job market entrants often do
not have the right skills mix for the private sector. Enterprise surveys show
that the share of rms in MENA identifying an inadequately educated
workforce as a major constraint (39 percent) is the highest among the
world’s regions ( Figure 5.13 ). In Egypt, for example, a study found that
34 percent of jobs require a technical education, but only 11 percent
4
Data for male and female participation in the informal sector, such as traditional agriculture, are not available .
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
74
Figure 5.14 . The Public Sector is a Large Employer in MENA
(Public sector employment as a share of total employment, 200811; percent)
1
Sources: National authorities; International Labor Organization;
IMF World Economic Outlook database; and IMF staff calculations.
1
AE: Advanced economies; CCA: Caucasus and Central Asia; CEE:
Central and Eastern Europe; DA: Developing Asia; LAC: Latin
America and the Caribbean.
0
4
8
12
16
20
24
28
DA CCA LAC AE CEE ACTs EGY JOR TUN YMN
Figure 5.15 . Government is the Preferred Employer for Arab Youth
(Arab youth employment preferences; percent)
Source: Burson-Marsteller, 2013.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
Egypt Jordan Libya Morocco Tunisia Yemen
Government Private sector Undecided
of graduates have this level of quali cation (Kandil, 2012). University
education, meanwhile, is skewed away from technical subjects. Across
North Africa, only 18 percent of university graduates are in the elds of
science and engineering (AfDB, 2012b). In addition, while public spending
on education as a percent of GDP has been higher in the MENA region
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
75
than in comparable East Asian and Latin American countries, the return
in terms of the quality of education have been disappointing: MENA
country rankings in international educational achievement tests remain
low (Amin and others, 2012). Primary education is also an area in need of
improvement, underscored by low literacy rates, for example, in Egypt,
Morocco, and Yemen, and undermining labor productivity.
Solutions to these problems will vary among countries. Bearing in mind
countries’ different problems and starting conditions, solutions should
generally be centered on ve areas: reviewing labor market regulation to
reduce disincentives for hiring, while maintaining adequate worker protection;
revisiting public sector hiring practices and compensation policies to
reduce the public sector’s labor market dominance and bias; reforming the
education system, aligning it better with the needs of private employers;
pursuing active labor market policies to make quicker inroads in lowering
unemployment; and placing particular emphasis on policies promoting youth
and female employment.
5
Many of these reforms are complex and will require
considerable efforts at consensus-building and implementation.
Reviewing labor market regulation
with a view to reducing
distortions—particularly those that discourage hiring and skill building—
while ensuring adequate social protection. Regulations should continue
to provide appropriate protection against discrimination and arbitrary
decisions by employers, thereby promoting ef ciency by providing
incentives for employers and employees to invest in rm-speci c training.
By contrast, undue protection, including cumbersome processes for
layoffs and excessive severance payments, should be reduced or phased
out, to relieve rms of excessive rigidities in a constantly changing
economy, and the associated negative effects on labor demand and
economic growth. Minimum wages should also be reviewed under a
transparent mechanism, setting them low enough to support demand for
low-skilled workers, but high enough to support the bargaining position
of workers and limit discrimination.
Revisiting public sector hiring policies
to ensure that hiring does
not exceed the needs and/or means of the public sector. At the same
time, compensation policies may need to be revised to re ect worker
productivity and comparable salaries in the private sector. As the model
of the state as employer of rst and last resort is phased out, prospective
job market entrants will have an incentive to position themselves
increasingly toward the private job market.
5
See also work on this issue in IMF Regional Economic Outlook for the Middle East and Central Asia (IMF 2010,
2011b, and 2011d).
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
76
Improving and reorienting the education system
will also help
address labor market mismatches. There is scope to align curricula better
with the needs of the private sector, including through an increased
focus on writing skills, critical thinking, and problem solving. This
can be approached by partnering with the business community to
reform the curricula, and further catalyzed by increasing school’s public
accountability by giving citizens adequate mechanisms to in uence
education objectives, priorities, and resource allocation (World Bank,
2008b). In addition, relating the hiring of government employees more
to individual productivity and skills than to credentials would create
incentives to reorient the education system toward more productive and
demanding curricula.
Focusing on short-term policies to improve labor market outcomes
will be equally important, as many of the other reforms take time to
implement and yield results. Such policies notably include active labor
market policies, such as job intermediation and placement services,
apprenticeship and training programs (including entrepreneurship
training), employability training, and support for on-the-job training.
Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia, for example, have government-funded active
labor market programs, though so far these reach only a limited number
of bene ciaries.
Promoting employment of women and youth
. Female employment
can be supported by offering more exible work schedules,
accommodating needs such as reduced ability to travel and child care
responsibilities, improving girls’ access to education, and by offering
programs speci cally for women (IMF, 2013d). Programs for youth can
include training and counseling for labor market entry, and internship
schemes to smooth the transition from school to work.
Creating More Ef cient Safety Nets
Despite progress over the past two decades, poverty remains an important
concern, particularly among children and in rural areas ( Table 5.1 ) (World
Bank, 2012c). Early childhood malnutrition rates are high, and children
in poor households are more likely to drop out of school and thus bring
limited skills to the job market. Rural poverty rates ( Figure 5.16 ) are in some
countries more than twice those of urban areas. Limited access to basic
services, including health and education, restricts opportunities for many of
the poor. In addition, in some countries, a signi cant share of the population
is vulnerable to falling into poverty ( Figure 5.17 ); with incomes just above
the poverty line, these households cannot adjust their expenditures when
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
77
Table 5.1 . Poverty Remains an Important Concern
(Overall and child poverty rates; percent)
Overall Child (0–14)
Egypt 2013/2011 26.3 26.4
Jordan 2010 14.4 20.1
Morocco 2010 20.0 25.0
Yemen 2006 34.8 36.0
Sources: National authorites; UNICEF; and World Bank (2012c).
Figure 5.16 . Rural Poverty is Significant
(Poverty rate of rural population; percent)
Source: World Bank (2012c).
0 1020304050
Yemen
Iraq
Egypt
Tunisia
Jordan
Figure 5.17 . Many People are Vulnerable to Falling into Poverty
( Share of population living between $2$2.5 a day; percent)
Source: World Bank (2012c).
0 5 10 15 20
Jordan
Tunisia
Morocco
Yemen
Egypt
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
78
necessary. Yet few have access to formal safety nets, and those without access
face a higher risk of moving into poverty.
Spending on subsidies for food and fuel is a costly and inef cient means
of social protection. The ACTs have been relying heavily on subsidies as
their main tool for providing social protection. Generalized energy price
subsidies, in particular, are large, and though they provide support for poor
consumers, they disproportionately bene t the well-off. Energy subsidies
are appealing to governments because they are easier to administer than
other means of social protection; however, they weigh heavily on public
nances in an environment of high de cits and debt, and crowd out
resources for targeted social programs. In all ACTs, energy subsidies take a
larger share of the resource envelope than, for example, public spending on
education.
In contrast to subsidies, social safety net (SSN) programs are small. They
account for only about one-tenth of spending on subsidies in the ACTs
( Figure 5.18 ), and reach less than one-third of the population in the lowest
income quintile ( Figure 5.19 ), signi cantly below the world average.
SSN spending is poorly targeted. The ACTs’ tendency to rely on geographical
and categorical targeting does not work well in environments where
poverty is less concentrated in certain regions or demographic groups. As a
consequence, only a quarter of recipients of SSN bene ts are in the lowest
income quintile, far below the world average. Nonetheless, there are also
notable improvements under way in the ACTs: Jordan and Yemen have
Figure 5.18 . Social Safety Nets are Small
(Spending on social safety nets and subsidies; percent of GDP)
Sources: World Bank (2012c); IMF Fiscal Affairs Department database;
IMF staff reports, various publications; and IMF staff estimates.
0.0
3.0
6.0
9.0
12.0
MENA
EMDCs
Tunisia 2011
Jordan 2011
Morocco 2008/9
Egypt 2009
Yemen 2013
Food and fuel subsidies
Social safety nets
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
79
introduced SSN programs with elements of means testing or proxy means
testing—i.e., based on attributes that correlate with poverty—which are
expected to yield better results.
There is limited awareness of SSNs among the groups that should bene t the
most from them. People in the bottom income quintile are much less aware
of SSN programs than people in the top quintile ( Figure 5.20 ). According to
surveys, almost a quarter of Egyptians are not aware of any SSN programs,
while in Tunisia, people in the top and middle income quintiles are much
more likely than the poor to personally know SSN bene ciaries.
Figure 5.19 . Social Safety Net Coverage is Limited
(Percentage covered in bottom income quintile)
Source: World Bank (2012c).
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Yemen 2005
Jordan 2010
Morocco 2010
Egypt 2009
MENA
World
E. Asia & Pacific
Eur. & Cent. Asia
L. Amer. & the
Caribbean
Figure 5.20 . Limited Awareness of Social Safety Nets in the Lowest Income Quintile
(Average number of SSN programs recognized by respondents, 2012)
Source: World Bank (2012c).
0
1
2
3
4
5
Egypt Jordan Tunisia
Lowest income quinle
Highest income quinle
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
80
As a result, SSNs have little impact on poverty and inequality. The small size,
low coverage, poor targeting, and limited awareness among those in need
mean that the impact of these programs on poverty and inequality is small.
Except in Jordan, the impact of SSNs on reducing poverty is well below the
world average.
A roadmap for reform
The strategy for reform should be centered on phasing out generalized
subsidies and replacing them with more ef cient SSNs. In light of their
inef ciencies as means of social protection, there is a strong case for phasing
out generalized subsidies. Scaled-up and appropriately targeted SSNs have the
potential to deliver much more cost-effective social protection, freeing scarce
resources for other priority expenditure and debt reduction.
International experience shows that subsidy reform is often dif cult to
implement. Countries attempting reform have often faced obstacles (IMF,
2013a): these include a lack of public information and understanding of
the magnitude and ineffectiveness of subsidies; opposition from speci c
groups bene ting from subsidies (for example, transport sector, energy-
intensive manufacturing); lack of public trust that governments will use
the savings from subsidy reform ef ciently for alternative means of social
protection, other priority expenditure, or debt reduction; concerns regarding
a possible net adverse impact on the poor; concerns about effects on in ation
and volatility of prices, beyond energy products; loss of competitiveness,
especially in energy-intensive sectors; and weak macroeconomic conditions at
the outset of reforms exacerbating many of the above concerns.
In that light, it will be important to plan subsidy reform well. Country
experience highlights six factors that heighten the chances for success
(IMF, 2013b, 2014):
Targeted mitigating measures for the poor
, which are discussed below;
A comprehensive energy sector reform plan
, drawn up in consultation
with stakeholders;
A comprehensive communications strategy
, including consultation
with stakeholders, provision of information on the costs of subsidies and
bene ts of reform, and heightened transparency in reporting subsidies
in the budget;
Appropriately phased in and sequenced price increases
that avoid
sudden and sharp increases;
Reform for Sustainable, Job-Creating, Private Sector–led Growth
81
Improved ef ciency of state-owned enterprises
to reduce producer
subsidies; and
Depoliticized price setting
through price liberalization or rules-based
price-setting mechanisms.
The substantial incidence of poverty, the limited scope and ef ciency of
existing SSNs, and the need to reform generalized price subsidies suggest a
need to expand SSNs and make them more ef cient, by:
6
Increasing spending on SSNs and improving their coverage
,
creating new programs, and expanding existing ones that are effective.
Simplifying the SSN landscape by consolidating fragmented SSN
programs
into a few comprehensive programs speci cally designed to
reach different segments of the poor and vulnerable populations.
Investing in SSN infrastructure
by creating uni ed registries of
bene ciaries that can be used across multiple programs, and by using
modern service delivery mechanisms such as smart cards, mobile
payments, and over-the-counter payments in bank branches.
Prioritizing interventions that strengthen human capital
, including
conditional cash transfer programs and workfare programs.
Increasing the use of proxy means testing in targeting social
assistance (where feasible in light of administrative capacity issues
and possible political sensitivities) , which has been shown to be more
effective at targeting the poor and vulnerable than geographic or
categorical criteria.
Focusing on strong governance and accountability in SSNs
to
improve their ef ciency and minimize corruption.
Reaching out and informing the poor and vulnerable
about the
safety net programs available to them.
Several ACTs are already making progress in these areas. Morocco has started
to consolidate its SSN programs and has scaled up its successful Tayssir
program, a conditional cash transfer program for families with school-aged
children. Yemen reformed its Social Welfare Fund by scaling it up, introducing
6
See World Bank, 2012c for more details.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
82
a proxy means test formula, and strengthening capacity in service delivery.
Jordan is moving in the direction of poverty-based targeting and, in the
context of the 2012 fuel subsidy reform, implemented a cash transfer system
to compensate a large part of the population.
Most ACTs are currently considering new programs or reforms in their
existing SSNs. Egypt intends to expand priority social programs and
implement targeted cash transfer programs. Morocco continues to expand
the coverage of the Tayssir program and the RAMED program (basic health
coverage for the poor). Tunisia also plans increased cash transfers to targeted
households. Yemen plans to further increase its support to the poor through
the Social Welfare Fund.
Further efforts are needed to improve social outcomes and support the
economic transitions. While countries have begun to reform their safety nets,
substantially more efforts are needed to improve and modernize them, and,
by making them more ef cient, free scarce resources for priority expenditures
and de cit reduction.
Strengthening Economic Statistics
The global nancial crisis has shown the importance of preemptively
identifying sources of scal and nancial sector risks to support
macroeconomic stability and inclusive growth. The ACTs have made
signi cant progress in strengthening their statistical systems, and Egypt,
Jordan, Morocco, and Tunisia subscribe to the IMF’s Special Data
Dissemination Standard (SDDS). Nonetheless, the ACTs need further
development of national accounts, government nance, balance of payments,
monetary, and nancial statistics to improve their availability, coverage,
periodicity, and timeliness. On the positive side, ACTs have begun adopting
the methodologies of the IMF’s Government Finance Statistics Manual 2001 ;
however, the of cial coverage of scal statistics could be expanded beyond
central government statistics to the social security system, other extra-
budgetary funds, and sub-national government accounts ( Chapter 2 ). The
coverage of state-owned enterprises and government nancial institutions
also remains limited, except in Morocco and Egypt. Balance of payments
statistics could generally bene t from greater details on the nancial accounts.
Addressing the challenges in banking supervision information systems and
database management would help increase accuracy and reduce the signi cant
lags in reporting nancial indicators. On national accounts, additional efforts
are needed to develop national accounts from the expenditure approach, and
to produce high-frequency data on employment, unemployment, and wages,
as well as the coverage of informal activities.
83
CHAPTER
Managing Economic Change During
The Transitions
Generating success in economic transformation requires a coordinated
effort. The complexity of the task under adverse conditions necessitates a
heightened focus on navigating the political economy and a strong
communication strategy. Careful sequencing of reforms will be required,
with emphasis on early steps in areas with high payoffs, and countries need
to employ a exible approach so they can seize reform opportunities as
they arise. Well-coordinated and stepped-up support from the international
community is also essential.
Political economy and communications
The ACTs are embarking on dif cult macroeconomic and structural reforms
in a challenging socio-political environment ( Figure 6.1 ). Policymakers across
the ACTs are facing a dif cult economic situation that is making the need
for reforms urgent in a broad range of areas, even as the socio-political
environment challenges policymakers’ ability to deliver them:
The political transitions are complex , with a number of countries
yet to adopt new constitutions and elect governments with more than
transitional terms.
Institutional uncertainty adds to political risks . Lack of clear
relationships between different institutions, together with weak or even
absent institutions, hinders the reform process and delays the economic
transformation agenda.
Governments with short horizons and looming elections have
limited mandates or incentives to undertake reforms that have
short-term political costs—irrespective of their future bene ts.
For example, transitional governments may nd it dif cult to implement
subsidy reform or allow for exchange rate depreciation that would have
6
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
84
negative income or balance sheet effects for some groups in the short
term, even though these measures are necessary to strengthen inclusive
growth in the future.
Many reforms have important distributional impact, which can
trigger early resistance . Some vested interests have been weakened
in the context of the transitions, but other interest groups may be in
a better position to in uence economic policy than newcomers. Moreover,
the struggle for power and rents between the former elite and vested
interests on the one hand, and the newcomers on the other, increases
political uncertainty and may also discourage reform efforts.
Although coalition governments are in place in a number of ACTs,
parties within the coalition may have con icting agendas. This
con ict can jeopardize reforms that have important distributional effects.
In addition, a lack of experience among those new to government often
poses obstacles to the design and implementation of reforms.
Youth interests can no longer be treated as an add-on. The
demographic situation in the MENA region, where youth make up the
majority of the population, needs to be factored into the decision-making
process, and youth interests need to be explicitly addressed. According
to a recent survey, a large share of youth in the ACTs is dissatis ed with
the direction of the economy ( Figure 6.2 ) (Burson-Marsteller, 2013).
Moreover, Arab youth have traditionally borne a disproportionate share
of the costs of economic adjustment during previous decades.
Figure 6.1 . Political Risk Has Increased
(Ranges from 100 (least risk) to 0 (highest risk))
Source: The PRS Group.
45
55
65
75
Sep-10 Mar-11 Sep-11 Mar-12 Sep-12 Mar-13 Sep-13
Egypt Jordan Libya
Morocco Tunisia Yemen
Arab Spring begins
Managing Economic Change During The Transitions
85
The security situation has deteriorated in most ACTs. Polarization
has increased among different groups—political, ethnic, religious,
and economic. Sources of discontent—most notably high youth
unemployment—are still unresolved and have in many cases grown
worse. Spillovers from regional con icts are aggravating polarization and
security challenges.
In addition, governments have inherited economic institutions that require
strengthening.
The rule of law is the overarching prerequisite for institutions and
governments to gain the trust of investors and citizens alike , and there
remains considerable room for improvement in this area ( Figure 6.3 ). This
problem is exacerbated by a considerable gap between the establishment
of rules and their application following a long period of institutional
stagnation or even decay in some ACTs. International experience shows
that, in countries undergoing political transition, the process of establishing
the rule of law is often at risk, because emphasis tends to be placed on the
most pressing, immediate requirements of a functioning democracy:
enacting a constitution and holding periodic elections.
1
A merit-based civil service is required to step up government
effectiveness and enable change. The ACTs lag in this respect, because
the civil service in many cases has lacked the incentives and training to
manage increasingly complex public policy decisions. In addition, in
Figure 6.2 . Perception of Arab Youth about Direction of the Economy
(Percent)
Source: Burson-Marsteller, Arab Youth Survey, 2013.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Egypt Jordan Libya Morocco Tunisia Yemen
Right Wrong
1
See International Crisis Group (2012).
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
86
several ACTs, the perception of government effectiveness—the reach
and quality of public services, the professionalism and independence of
the civil service, the quality of policy formulation and implementation,
and the credibility of the government’s commitment to such policies—
has declined over time ( Figure 6.4 ).
Budgetary institutions with rules that govern budget formulation,
execution, reporting, and disclosure, along with capable external
oversight bodies, are necessary to support sound scal policy and
nancial accountability ( Chapter 2 ); but countries, including those that
have undergone a Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability
(PEFA) assessment, show signi cant shortcomings.
2
Central bank independence is critical for the credibility of monetary
policy, but few countries in the region have achieved it, partly because of
scal dominance ( Chapter 3 ).
An independent competition body is also needed to facilitate business
entry and operation in all sectors of the economy, contain monopolistic
tendencies, and foster economic ef ciency.
Figure 6.3 . Rule of Law Ranking Shows Room for Improvement
(Percentile ranking among 215 countries; ranges from 100 (highest) to 0 (lowest))
2010 2011 2012
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
GCC
Average
1
Jordan Tunisia Egypt Morocco Other
MENA
Average
1
Libya Yemen
Source: World Bank World Governance Indicators, 2013.
1
Includes Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.
2
Includes Algeria, Djibouti, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Mauritania.
2
The percentage of indicators with low ratings (C and D) is 25 percent for Tunisia ( June 2010), 39 percent for
Morocco (May 2009) and 56 percent for Yemen ( June 2008).
Managing Economic Change During The Transitions
87
Informal institutions need to be taken into account. Informal
networks—for example, those driven by personal relations or
patronage—are still prevalent, especially in countries lacking ef cient
social safety nets, and can affect the reform process in unforeseen ways.
The feasibility of reforms may also be constrained by limited administrative
capacity to design and administer them. Agents of change who are needed
to champion reform could be at risk of becoming overloaded and losing the
ability to focus on delivering on priority items. Complex reforms may therefore
not be feasible in the short term, and would require careful sequencing that
includes investment in building the capacity to implement them.
The strategy for undertaking reforms must be tailored to the particular
circumstances of each country as well as to the speci c nature of the reforms.
There is no one-size- ts-all approach; nonetheless experience gleaned from the
work of the IMF and other institutions, as well as the political economy literature,
points to a number of considerations that policymakers in the ACTs may nd
useful when designing and implementing reforms.
3
Figure 6.4 . Government Effectiveness Has Suffered in Most ACTs
(Percentile ranking among 215 countries; ranges from 100 (highest) to 0 (lowest))
Source: World Bank World Governance Indicators, 2013.
1
Includes Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.
2
Includes Algeria, Djibouti, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Mauritania.
2010 2011 2012
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
GCC
Average
1
Tunisia Jordan Morocco Egypt Other
MENA
Average
2
Yemen Libya
3
See OECD (2010); Fritz and others (2008); and Haggard and Webb (1993).
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
88
Creating a sense of urgency for reform can boost the chances of success.
A strong case must be made for the bene ts of reform. Gathering data
and undertaking analytical work to explain poor outcomes, and identifying
policies to improve them, are the rst steps in a well-designed reform
process. Highlighting the costs of the status quo and providing evidence of
the bene ts of reform across the different segments of the population can
provide a compelling case for change. For example, recent analytical work
has shown that generalized energy subsidies are scally unsustainable and
socially unfair, supporting the case for change ( Chapter 2 ).
Reform plans should be anchored in clear and measurable performance goals.
By increasing transparency and holding policymakers accountable for reform
implementation, one can lessen the risk of reform paralysis in which reform is
much discussed but never implemented.
A participatory approach can reduce resistance to change. As policymakers
across the ACTs formulate and embark on their reform agendas, different
stakeholders—new and emerging political actors, parliamentarians, academics,
businesses, organized labor, civil society, youth activists, think tanks, and
policymakers themselves—will have varying perspectives on the way forward.
To build momentum for reform, transparency about the whole reform
process is essential. Policymakers’ success will depend on listening to all
stakeholders’ views when formulating policy agendas. This will require legal
reforms to permit independent organizations to form without state approval.
A more participatory process will help identify areas of resistance or support
for change. Experience shows that involving a broader spectrum of society
in the design of reform—along with a readiness to respond to concerns to
the extent of modifying reform proposals—also fosters a sense of ownership
for reform and can help hold back future opposition. Moreover, reform
experiences in OECD countries indicate that, although consultative processes
are no insurance against con ict, they can generate greater trust among
parties involved, which “may make expected losers more willing to rely on
commitments to measures that will mitigate the cost of reform to them”
(OECD, 2010).
Building coalitions is imperative for successful reform. Economic reform
inevitably entails distributional consequences: losses for some—particularly
those with vested interest in the status quo —in the short term, while generating
broad bene ts to the wider population only in the longer term. Gaining
traction for reform—and ultimately succeeding in implementing it—depends
to a great extent on a government’s ability to build coalitions in support
of change while addressing opponents’ concerns about its distributional
impact ( Box 6.1 ).
Managing Economic Change During The Transitions
89
Careful timing and sequencing are also required. In a challenging socio-
political environment, it may be necessary to move ahead with those
measures that can garner suf cient support and to postpone others: some
progress is better than none at all. In this sense, it will be important to
accept deviations in timing and sequencing from technically or economically
“optimal” reform paths, subject to considerations of macroeconomic stability.
Policymakers may focus on low-hanging fruit or use small-step approaches,
such as launching reforms on a limited scale and assessing them before
expanding them. Examples include accepting a gradual approach to a tax
increase, or linking electricity tariff increases to improvements in service
provision coverage. In the case of particularly dif cult reforms, such as the
introduction of exchange rate exibility, for example, success is more likely to
be secured when a government’s political mandate is strong and the potential
loss of political capital is manageable, which in many instances is after
elections (Rother, 2009).
Box 6.1 . A Stylized Approach to Building Coalitions
This approach entails coalescing
with champions (high-in uence
groups that support the measure),
empowering winners (low-
in uence groups that bene t from
the reform) and helping them
voice their support, compensating
or defusing in uential groups
that would lose as result of the
reform, and compensating the
most vulnerable that would lose
and have little in uence. Well-
targeted measures for protecting
the latter are imperative for
adequate social protection, and are often also vital for building public support for
reform. In the case of subsidy reform, for example, it is crucial that those who are
hardest hit by the removal of subsidies be compensated from the beginning through
more targeted social protection. When feasible, bundling reforms as a package of
measures that remove distortions while spreading bene ts and adjustment costs
broadly can also be useful: it can create more winners, allow the losers by certain
measures to be bene ciaries by others, and defuse the sense that a particular group is
being singled out.
Figure 6.1.1. Building Coalitions
Low Influence
OpposingSupporng
EMPOWER
COALESCE COMPENSATE/
DIFFUSE
COMPENSATE
(VULNERABLE)
High Influence
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
90
Sequencing must include initiatives that create visible immediate bene ts. In
ACTs, it is clear that a strong economic rationale drives political support for
the transitions, which are expected to improve economic opportunities for the
majority of the population. The sustainability of any reform—and support
for the whole reform process—could be jeopardized by the lack of early
and visible economic improvements. To counter this risk, show commitment
to reform, and improve con dence, policymakers should include in their
reform programs initiatives that will have a rapid impact ( Chapter 5 ), and
consider compensating in advance those vulnerable groups that stand to lose
from the reforms. Policymakers will need to focus on building mechanisms
for such compensation where none are readily available.
Reform champions, together with well-functioning and credible institutions,
are needed to sustain change. Reform-minded individuals are indispensable
for the reform effort, but without strong institutions policies cannot be
implemented; or they can be quickly reversed. For example, in the case
of energy subsidies, successful and durable reforms typically require the
introduction of a depoliticized and rules-based mechanism for setting energy
prices, which can help reduce the chances of reversal. Similarly, strong
institutions, such as an independent central bank and a well-functioning,
well-supervised banking system, are essential for a successful transition from
a managed exchange rate regime to a more exible one. However, these
considerations should not prevent policymakers from implementing the
technical measures that are often less contentious but critical in laying the
ground for the success of reforms. In addition, increasing the organizational
resources of groups that owe their wealth not to privileges, spoils, or rents but
to independent activity in a competitive setting, will also increase the political
weight of pro-reform constituencies. Without institutionalized groups
capable of making broadly credible commitments and delivering on them, the
only policies that citizens can directly connect to government performance are
the subsidies and transfers that became a mainstay of the old social contract
(Amin and others, 2012).
As governments embark on economic transformation, the role of
communications will be critical. Governments now need to operate in a multi-
stakeholder environment, where civil society has become more empowered,
and where the unprecedented diffusion of social media ( Table 6.1 ) adds to
both challenges and opportunities. Young people in the ACTs, who were to a
large extent marginalized before the Arab Spring, have formed interest groups
and are voicing their views and demands. Governments also face business
interests and organized labor, which have shown a willingness to protest if
their economic and political demands are not met. In this setting, it will be
important to devote adequate attention to engaging with these groups through
appropriate consultation and communication.
Managing Economic Change During The Transitions
91
Effective communication needs to be an integral part of the economic
reform process. Public communication campaigns should aim at increasing
awareness of the planned policy changes, explaining the rationale and
building buy-in for the proposed reforms, highlighting their bene ts
for society at large and for speci c groups, and establishing realistic
expectations about what can be achieved. Given the emergence of
social media and the connectivity across media networks, it is ever more
important for governments to embark on effective communications
to make a case for reform. For example, when reforming subsidies,
policymakers should explain how expensive and inef cient existing
subsidies are and the costs they impose on the economy and the
environment. In any reform involving revenue increases or expenditure
cuts, it is important to demonstrate that savings are being used to good
effect. In addition, the communication strategy should also clarify the role
of international nancial institutions and the international community at
large in supporting the reform process.
A number of lessons from policymakers’ experiences in other regions can
help increase the chances for successful reform. Policymakers need to explain
what they do, and choose their media strategically for different messages and
audiences. Given the connectivity across media networks, it is even more
important for government of cials to speak with one voice, coordinating with
others to make sure that their messages are aligned and mutually reinforcing.
Inspiring messages that are personal and practical tend to be most effective.
Communication efforts should include examples of successful reforms in
other countries, and how obstacles were overcome. To stimulate demand
for reform, it can also be helpful to focus on the missed opportunities
Table 6.1 . Strong Use of Social Networks for Political and Community Views
(Use of social networking in the ACTs; percent)
Use of social networks
1
Use social networks to express
views about
2
Politics Community issues
Tunisia 34 67 82
Egypt 30 63 74
Jordan 29 60 80
Global
3
34 34 46
Source: Pew Research Center, 2013 .
1
Percent of respondents from a survey among 1000 people in each country.
2
Percent of social network users who use networks to express views about politics/
community issues.
3
Median of 21 advanced and emerging economies.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
92
from lack of reform—that is, the costs of doing nothing. At the same
time, communications efforts should not be about “selling” reforms: true
engagement often calls for modi cation of reform proposals, while keeping
the main goal in view.
Support from the international community
Stepped-up support from the international community is critical for
successful reform. Even as countries need to stay in the driver’s seat and plan
their policy programs through wide national consultation, there is a need for
the international community to support the ACTs’ reform efforts along four
dimensions.
Bilateral and multilateral partners will need to continue providing
signi cant nancing, increasing its scale in some cases, so that public
spending can support growth and ease the pace of adjustment (Box 6.2).
The signi cant support from donors in GCC countries to some ACTs,
in particular, has helped cushion the immediate adjustment needs at
a time of reduced trade and capital ows. Greater predictability and
stronger coordination of donor efforts with the ACTs’ macroeconomic
plans could further enhance the effectiveness of donor support.
Improved access for the ACTs’ exports to advanced economies’ markets
is also important to support the economic recovery and raise potential
growth, complementing their efforts at trade reform.
The ACTs can also pro t from policy advice from their international
partners in many areas of economic policy.
The international community can help in capacity-building efforts by
providing technical assistance and training.
Donors also have a critical role to play in helping to overcome obstacles
to reform. Close coordination among donors should ensure that they do
not inadvertently provide disincentives for change by supporting divergent
policies. Initiatives such as the Deauville Partnership can play an important
role in this context. Donors should also avoid overburdening the few
agents of change and instead should support them with technical assistance
that is aligned with their needs and delivered on time. For example, it is
important to act promptly to develop the registries required for cash transfer
mechanisms; delays could jeopardize safety net reform. Donors should also
recognize the potential challenges they face in the region stemming from
the stigma attached to previous stabilization measures and structural reform
programs.
Managing Economic Change During The Transitions
93
Box 6.2 . Continuing Need for Stepped-Up Donor Support
Since the onset of the transitions in 2011, the ACTs have received signi cant
nancial support from the international community, more than half from the GCC
countries (Figure 6.2.1). Their external nancing needs will remain high under
baseline projections in 2014–15, at around $50–60 billion per year. Yet, even with
suf cient external support to cover these needs, the baseline projection of economic
growth will not be suf cient to tackle the ACTs’ main economic challenge of high
unemployment.
Short-term growth and employment could be boosted by a carefully designed
job-creating public investment initiative, but would require additional external support
(US$24 billion over the next ve years in the example of Figure 2.5). This additional
nancing would need to be on suf ciently concessional terms to preserve debt
sustainability, especially in those countries with high debt, and consistent with the
countries’ absorptive capacity. Therefore it is critical for the international community to
do more in mobilizing nancial support for the ACTs.
Over the medium term, nancing needs are expected to remain substantial but with
private nancing–both FDI and private capital markets–playing a bigger role. These
expectations are predicated not only on externally nanced public investment initiatives
but also, importantly, on the successful implementation of a comprehensive package
of structural reforms aimed at ensuring suf cient job creation by the private sector to
maintain employment in the medium term.
G8,
3.6, 7%
GCC, 26.4,
52%
Other IFIs,
9.2, 18%
IMF, 1.3,
2%
Other,
10.8, 21%
Total:
$51.3 billion
Figure 6.2.1 . External Offical Financing for ACTs
(2011–13, USD billions, percent)
Source: National authorities and IMF staff estimates.
TOWARD NEW HORIZONS
94
The IMF remains closely engaged with the ACTs. IMF staff are engaging with
country authorities and their international partners in the areas of economic
policies and nancing. The IMF’s advice to the ACTs has been adapting to
changing external and domestic economic conditions ( Box 6.3 ). Since the
onset of the political transitions, its focus has been on striking the right
balance between measures needed to maintain macroeconomic stability and
protect the poor during the transition, on the one hand, and those laying the
groundwork for faster growth and job creation, on the other. In this context,
the IMF has advised countries to adjust large scal de cits gradually so as to
put scal balances on a sustainable path while limiting the adverse short-term
effects on growth and unemployment under the presently dif cult socio-
political conditions. The IMF has committed about $10 billion in nancial
arrangements with Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen. IMF staff are in
advanced discussions with Yemen toward a successor arrangement to the IMF
support provided in 2012, are supporting Libya through policy dialogue and
capacity-building efforts, and are ready to engage with Egypt on a possible
nancial arrangement when requested. The IMF is active in all ACTs on
policy advice and capacity building, and, in coordination with ACT
governments, has increased its communications with stakeholders, including
civil society organizations, academics, and parliamentarians.
Box 6.3 . Lessons from the Arab Transitions for the IMF
While IMF advice prior to the onset of the transitions in 2011 centered on sound
macroeconomic policies for stability and growth, insuf cient attention was paid
to growing socioeconomic imbalances. Efforts centered on helping countries build
sound macroeconomic foundations, liberalize economic activity, and introduce
market-based reforms that would generate higher economic growth. In addition to
advice on sound scal and monetary policies, the IMF recommended strengthening
monetary policy instruments, enhancing the liquidity of government bond markets,
strengthening the soundness and competition of the banking sector, maintaining the
momentum of privatization, improving public nance management, lowering the
cost of doing business, enhancing labor market exibility, and increasing regional
cooperation and trade liberalization. While the focus was mainly on strengthening
macroeconomic stability and medium-term growth, with hindsight it has become clear
that not enough emphasis was placed on the need to ensure equal access to economic
and employment opportunities.
IMF advice since 2011 has adapted to the challenges of the transitions. Following
the onset of political transitions in 2011, and in light of challenging socio-political
conditions, high public debt, and large scal and external imbalances, IMF advice
has focused primarily on bolstering macro stability while strengthening the focus
Managing Economic Change During The Transitions
95
on employment generation and measures to boost inclusive growth. The IMF has
particularly recommended that scal consolidation be pursued at a gradual pace to put
scal balances on a sustainable path while limiting the adverse short-term effects on
growth and unemployment. In ACT program countries ( Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia,
Yemen), external shocks have been partially accommodated by loosening the targeted
scal de cits. The IMF has put emphasis on subsidy reform, recommending that
generalized subsidies should gradually be replaced by more cost-effective ways of
social protection. The IMF has also recommended an accommodative monetary policy
stance, in light of subdued in ation and weak recovery in the region.
The IMF has increased its focus on inclusive growth and political economy.
Realizing that the popular uprisings in the ACTs were born in part of a desire for
more widespread and fairer distribution of economic opportunities, the IMF has
increasingly focused on issues pertaining to inclusive growth. In particular, the IMF has
recommended important economic reforms to reduce high structural unemployment
and deliver a more equitable distribution of income, including enhancing business
and investment conditions, increasing trade openness, improving the stability and
access of the nancial system, and improving social safety nets. It has also developed
an analytical tool to better understand the linkages between growth and employment.
Recognizing that countries are operating under dif cult socio-political conditions, the
IMF has increased its focus on the political economy aspects of reform, strengthening
the emphasis on national dialogue and ownership of economic programs and
improved communication of policy intentions.
The way ahead
The political transitions present a historic opportunity to set in motion
needed economic transformations. The transitions have created a
unique opportunity to challenge the status quo and the vested interests that
have supported it in the past. This is the hub of the virtuous circle where
economic transformation and political transition mutually reinforce one
another to deliver on the aspirations of the ACTs. The ACTs have strong
underlying potential for a dynamic economy, including a young workforce,
increasing access to technology, a unique geographic location linking several
continents, and rich tourist destinations. The right combination of policies,
enacted with a clear view of the political economy and with the support of
the international community, can help realize this potential and deliver on the
aspirations of the people of the ACTs.
Box 6.3 (concluded)
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97
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Toward New Horizons:
Arab Economic Transformation Amid Political Transitions